XIX. ANTISTHENES
1. Diog. Laert. VI 1, 1: 怷廔怷 庥帢宎 廒廔區 弮廔統 廒及睡諫庰 怷帠巹怷 怷彃 彃用晅怷怷, 廔庛庰彖 廔 彃用煙怷庣庥廔裕 庰廒僇棒諫 廒彖 怷彃 帤庣帢弇帠怷庣 廒庣峟庰庣, 庥帢廔 弮峎弇庣帢 廒彖 彃 廒弇庢庛庰巹彄 庥帢廔 怷彃 怷庰庣庥怷彃. (2) 庢廔 帤宎 廒弮庣怷, 廔庣 怷庰巹弇庰怷 廒彖 彃 彃僇 廒裒庛弮巹彖 帢彖庢帠庰庣 峟徆帢庣 庰 庥帢廔 廒帢庣彖峟帢庣 廒庛庢彖帢巹怷, 庢帣帢巹怷, 帢庥庰帤帢庣弮怷彖巹怷, 庰廒剿帢 弮峟彖怷庣 帢帢庣峸帢庛帢庣... 廔庰怷彖 帤廔 帢峟帣帢弇庰 峉庥峎庰庣
2. Sud. lex. s. v.: 廒彖庣庛峟彖庢 廒庛庢彖帢彃怷, 廒廔 彃用煙彖 庣弇怷怷 峉庥帢庣庥.
3. Hieronymus c. Iov. II 14: innumerabiles libri eius, qu怷rum alios philosophic怷, alios rhetorico genere conscripsit.
4. Diog. Laert. VI 1, 15: 峟怷彖帢庣 帤宎 帢廔怷彃 帠帠峎弮弮帢帢 弮怷庣 帤峟庥帢. 彃剿怷 廒彖 彄 庰廔 弇峟徆庰 廒 庰廔 帢帢庥峸彖, 廒棒救 廒 廒廒棒敖誕怷 弇帠怷, 廔帤庰廔磁 廒 庰廔 廔帤峟, 廔峟怷 廒怷弇怷帠巹帢, 庰廔 彃僇 帤庣庥怷帠峎彖繚 廒裒怷帠峎庢 廒 庰巹帢 {廒 廒裒怷庥峎庢}, 廔裒 5 廔裕 廒裒怷庥峎怷 廒弮峎怷彖.
4 廒區怷帠帢廔 libri (em. Pohlenz). Isocratis et Lysiae nomina per iocum mutantur.
2 sq. Ad rem Usener, Kl. Schr. I 11 (Quaest. Anax. p. 13).
5. Ibid. 17: 弮怷 廒帣帤怷弮怷, 廒彖 彄 庰廔 帢庣帤庰巹帢 廒 廔彖怷弮峎彖 帢宎 帣宎 帠 帤宎 庰宎 庰廔 廔彖怷弮峎彖 峸庰 廒 廒庣庣庥. 庰廔 廒峸庰 庥帢廔 廒怷庥巹庰弮.
Haec aliquo modo rhetoricen tetigisse possunt. V. A. Mueller, De Antisthenis Cynici vita et scriptis (1860) 38 sq.
6. Epictetus Diss. 1, 17, 12: 廒彖庣庛峟彖庢 帤宎 怷廔 弇峟帠庰庣; 庥帢廔 巹 廒庣彖 廔 帠庰帠帢廔樞 廔庣繚 廒廔 帢庣帤庰庰 廒 彃僇 廔彖怷弮峎彖 廒巹庥庰庣;
Cf. 怷帤巹庥怷 怷彃 庰巹怷 廔棒 廒廔 怷彃 廔彖弮帢庣彖 廒庥庣帣怷弇怷帠巹帢彖.
7. Diog. Laert. VI 1, 3: 彃剿 庰 廔＋巹帢怷 弇帠怷彖 庰廒區彖繚 弇帠怷 廒廔僇 廔 廔 巹 廒缶 廒 廒庣彖 <廒 廒帢庣> 帤庢弇彃僇.
8. Aristot. metaph. IV p. 1024 b 32: 帤庣廔 廒彖庣庛峟彖庢 彄及舜怷 庰廔峸庛 弮庢庛廔統 廒徆庣彃僇 弇峟帠庰庛帢庣 弇廔棒 彃 怷廒匿睡舒脊興 弇帠彃 廒彖 廒宎 廒彖繚 廒徆 廔形 彖峟帣帢庣彖庰 弮廔 庰廒僇諄敖 廒彖庣弇峟帠庰庣彖, 庰帤廔裕 帤廔 弮庢帤廔 庰帤庰庛帢庣.
Multis haec Alexander Aphrodisiensis interpretatur (Comment. In Aristotelem gr. I p. 434, 25 sq. Hayduck), rei nihil novi addens. Antisthenis 廒弇庢庛庰巹彄 locus recte adscribitur, licet autem ad philosophiam p怷tius spectet, tamen rhetorum quoque auctor pascua invadit; idcirco proposui sicut id quoque, quod antecedit, fragmentum.
9. Athen. 220d: 廔 帤廔 怷弇庣庣庥廔裒 帢廔怷彃 帤庣峎弇怷帠怷 廒峎彖彖 庥帢帢帤怷弮廔棒 庰庣峟庰庣 彃僇 廒庛峸彖庢庣彖 帤庢弮帢帠帠彃僇, 廔 帤宎 廒峟弇帢怷 怷帠巹怷 怷彃 彃用晅怷怷, 廒 帤宎 廒帢巹帢 彃僇 庰庣庥弇峟怷 廒晨蕊彖 帢彖庛巹怷 庥帢廔 帢峎弇怷 帤庣帢帣怷弇峸彖.
Aspasiam etiam Aeschines Socraticus scripsit, vir ipse quoque 彃用煙怷庣庥 (Diog. Laert. II 7, 62 sq.), ac mirum sane duo scripta inter se cognata (v. Aeschinis Socratici reliquiae ed. H. Krauss 8 sq. p. 41 sq.71 sq.), nisi forte alter laudavit, alter vituperavit, eodem fere adparuisse tempore.
10. Porphyrii schol. ad dyss. 帢 1 (. Schrader, Porphyrii Quaestionum Homericarum ad Odysseam pertinentium rell. p. 1 sq): 怷廔庥 廒帢庣彖庰彃彖 庢庣彖 廒彖庣庛峟彖庢 廔弮庢怷彖 廔裕 廔帤峟帢 弮彄僇銜銜諺 廒 峟帠庰庣彖 弇峟帠怷彖帢 帢廔廔裕 怷弇怷怷彖. 怷廔庥 怷廔彖 廔裕 廒帠帢弮峟弮彖怷彖帢 庥帢廔 廔裕 廒棒敖誕帢 怷弇怷 庰怷庣庢庥峟彖帢庣, 廒弇弇宎 廒弇怷彃羊 庥帢廔 帠庰彖彖峎帤帢, 怷廔帤廔 廔裕 峟怷帢, 廔裕 怷彖, 怷廔 弮廔 巹帢 帤弇庣怷彖 庥帢廔 帢弇巹弮帣怷弇怷彖 廔 廒缶裕諫, 廒弇弇宎 廒弇彃剿 彃 廒帠帢弮峟弮彖怷彖庣 彖彖帢 庥帢廔 怷彃 廒弇弇怷庣 廒帢庣 庥帢廔 庰廒區 廔 帢庰帤怷彖, 庰廒 庣 廒帠帢庛廔裕 庰廒剿庰, 弮帣怷弇庰怷彖帢 庥帢廔 怷廔庥 廒o庥弮庰彖怷彖. 庥帢廔 怷怷彃羊怷彖 廒庰彃庰 怷彃 廔裕 怷庣怷彃羊怷彖 怷彖 廒怷帤峟庰庛帢庣 廔 廒庣弇弇庰, 廔＋ 廒庛廔裕 廒﹡割菲庛帢庣 廔弮怷巹 彃 庛帢彖峎彃 廒庥庰彃彖怷彖, 廔 宎 廒庰怷彖 弮廔統 庥庰庛彃 廒彖廔 庰巹彖, 廒弇弇怷 帤廔 庰廒棲彃. (I 313).
弇彖 怷廔彖 廔 廒彖庣庛峟彖庢 庢巹繚 巹 怷廔彖; 廒峎 帠庰 怷彖庢廔裒 廔 廔帤庰, 廔庣 怷弇怷怷 廒峟庛庢, 庥帢廔 弮峸, 帤庣庣 怷, 怷廔 帢廔廔裕 怷庰巹庢庥庰; 弮峸怷庰 怷廔彖 怷 廔 弮峟彖 庣 庢弮帢巹彖庰庣 廔 廒缶裕諫, 廔 帤峟 庣 庢弮帢巹彖庰庣 廔棒 怷彃 弇帠怷 彃庣彖繚 庰廔怷怷 帠廔區 廒彖廔棲 廔 廔 10 廒缶裕諫 廒彖 庰廒區 廔 庰廔 庰帢弮弮峟彖怷彖, 怷庣 帤廔 弇帠怷 帢廒 怷庣帢廔 弇峎庰庣繚 庥帢廔 彃帢庣 彃 彃 庥帢廔 廒廔 彖彃 庥帢廔 廒廔 弮庰弇彃僇 廒徆帢弇弇帢帠彃, 廔＋ 廒廔 彃 廒庢帤彖怷
廒 庰 庛帢弮廔 彃剿帢 峟庰庣 怷弇庢峟帢 彖峸彖 ( 521).
庰廒 帤廔 怷廒 怷怷廔 帤庰庣彖怷巹 庰廒區庣 帤庣帢弇峟帠庰庛帢庣, 庥帢廔 廒巹帢彖帢庣 廔 15 帢廔廔 彖庢弮帢 庥帢廔 怷弇弇怷廔磁 怷 弇峟帠庰庣彖繚 廒庣峎弮庰彖怷庣 帤峟 怷弇弇怷廔磁 怷 弇帠彖 庰廔 怷彃 帢廔怷彃 怷弇怷怷庣 廒彖 庰廒僇舒. 庰廒 帤廔 怷廒 怷怷廔 庥帢廔 <廒彖庛怷庣 彖庰彃彖帢庣> 廒帠帢庛怷巹 庰廒區庣, 帤庣廔 怷彃羊 庢庣 廔裕 廔帤峟帢 廔弮庢怷 怷廔裕 廔彖帢 怷弇怷怷彖 庰廒僇諄敖, 廔庣 帤廔 怷彃 廒彖庛怷庣 廒巹帢怷 怷弇弇怷彃 怷庣 彖庰彃彖帢庣.
Codd. LMH 8 怷庰巹庢庥庰 LM (怷廔 廔裒 帢廔廔裕 庰廒棲庢庥庰 H) 9 廒彖廔棲 om. LM 10 弇帠彖 H 帢廒 怷庣帢廔: 帢廒棲庣帢庣 LMH 12 廔＋ 怷m. M 16 怷廒 om. LM 17 廒彖庛怷庣 廔弮庣弇庰彃彖 add. Schrader
Inter alia minime neglegenda est 怷 彃用煙怷庣庥怷彃 interpretatio. Ceterum Socrates Hippiae sophistae de re opinionem auctore Platone his verbis comprehendit: 廔裕 怷弇怷怷彖 庰帤彃 弇峟帠庰庣 (Hipp. min. 365 ). Mitior Antisthenes. Cum autem Ulixes apud Iulianum or. II 75 c 廔 廒庥 彃 廒裕裕疥睡煙 彃用晅 怷弇怷怷 appelletur, fortasse Antisthenis memor Cynicorum admirator fuit.
11. Antisthenis Aias
(1) 廒帣怷弇弮庢彖 廒彖 怷廔磁 帢廔怷廔磁 廒﹡澄彖 帤庣庥峎庤庰庣彖 怷廒舜庰 庥帢廔 廒彖 怷彃 峎帠弮帢庣 帢彃帢彖繚 怷廒僇棒 帠廔區 廔庣 廒弮廔 弮廔統 廒帤庰庣 庣彄僇, 怷彃 帤宎 怷廔帤廔統 廒彖 廒缶 弇峟怷彖 弇峟帠怷彖庣繚 彖彃缶 帤廔 怷廒 弮廔統 帢帢帠庰彖弮庰彖怷庣 怷彃 廒帠怷庣 帢廔怷彃 廒庰庣庣彖, 廔弮庰彃 帤廔 怷廒 怷廔帤廔統 庰廒匿棲庰 帤庣庥峎庤庰庰. 庥帢巹怷庣 5 怷巹帢 庣 廒彖 帤巹庥庢 帤庣庥帢彃僇 弮廔 庰廒匿棲彖 帠峟彖怷庣怷, 庥帢廔 帢彃羊帢 帤庣廔 弇帠彖; 廔 帤廔 彄僇割樁 廒帠巹帠彖庰怷 廒帠彃. (2) 廔 弮廔統 怷廔彖 彃僇樁 怷彃 廒庣弇弇峟 廒庥弮庣帢 廒帠廔 峟彖, 廔 帤廔 廔弇帢 廔帤庰, 廒庣峎弮庰彖怷 廔庣 怷廔 彃僇 廔弇彖 弮彄僇銜銜諺 廒庰庛弮怷彖 怷廒 峇彃僇舜 廒弇弇廔 怷彃 彖庰庥怷彃 庥帢-
3. 4 怷彃 帢廔怷彃 廒帠怷庣 8 廒弇弇宎 廒 怷彃
彃帢庣. 怷彃 弮廔統 帠廔區 庰廒 廒庥峎庢帢彖, 彄庥巹帢彖 庰 廒彖 廔 彃僇樁 庥帢廔 廔 弇帢 怷彃 廒庥怷怷 廒庥怷弮巹帢彖怷繚 廔 帤廔 廔弇帢 峎帤庰 怷廔庥 廒彖 廒彖峟庛庰帢彖 怷彃 庛庰怷彃 廒弇弇宎 廒峟庥帢彖, (3) 帤庰帤庣庰 彖帤庰 廔裕 廒帠帢庛廔裕 廒彖帤帢, 廔 庥帢廔 庰怷彖 廒敖舜怷弇峸帢 帢廔彃僇 廔 廒帠帢弇弮帢 彃 庛庰怷彃 彖庥 廔甩庰 庣 庥帢弇廔裕 廒帠帢峎弮庰彖怷 廒庰帤庰巹庥彖怷 怷彃 廒帢庣怷彃. 庥廒帠廔 弮廔統 5 廒徆庣彃 弇帢帣庰彃彖 廒舒褊 廒怷帤彃 廔 廔弇帢 怷彃 巹弇怷庣, 怷廔怷 帤廔 廒舒褊 廒怷帤彃剿帢庣, 廒庰廔 彃庛帢巹 帠庰 帢廔怷彃 怷廔庥 廒彖 怷弇弮峸庰庣庰繚 帤庰庣弇廔裒 帠廔區 怷廔帤庰廔剿 廒彖 廒庣峸弮怷庣 廔弇怷庣 峸帢庣怷, 庰廒匿氮蝦 廔庣 廔棒 帤庰庣弇巹帢彖 帢廔怷彃 廒庥帢巹彖庰庣 廔 廔弇帢.
(4) 庰帤廔裕 弮廔統 怷廔彖 廒庣彖 廒帢彖帢 廔弮怷庣帢. 怷廒 庰 帠廔區 帤庣帢庛峟彖庰 10 廔裕 廒帠彃僇諄 峎庥怷彖庰 庰廒僇諄敖 帣帢庣弇庰彃 庰廔 廒庰彃 庥巹彖庰庣彖 廒峟庰帢彖 廒弇弇怷庣, 怷廒 庰 怷廔帤廔統 庰廒匿棲庰 帤庣庥峎庰庣彖 廔庣彖庰彃庛庰 庰廔 廔形 怷廔庥 廒棲庰. 廒帠廔 帤峟 廒巹帢弮帢庣 怷彃羊怷, 廔庣 怷廔帤庰廔剿 廒彖 帣帢庣弇庰廔磁 廒敖睡敖賦螂 廔卅 庰廔 廒庰彃 庥巹彖庰庣彖 廒庣峟庰庣庰彖 廒弇弇怷庣 弮彄僇銜銜諺 廒反庰 廒帠帢庛廔裒 廒匿救廔裒 15 帤庣帢帠彖彃僇諄敖 彖怷峸弮帢帢 廒弇弇彃 帢庰巹庢.
(5) 庥帢廔 庰廒 弮廔統 廒缶 弮怷庣 廔裒 廒彖帤帢 廔弮怷庣怷怷彖, 怷廔帤宎 廒彖 廒＋彄剿庛帢巹 弮怷庣 帤庣峟庰庰繚 彖彃缶 帤宎 怷廔庥 廒庣彖 廔 帤庣帢峟庰庣 弇峟怷彖 廒弮怷彃 庥帢廔 怷彃缶棒. 廔 弮廔統 帠廔區 怷廔庥 廒庣彖 廔 庣 廒彖 帤峎庰庣庰 帢彖庰彃剿, 廒帠廔 帤廔 怷廔帤廔統 廒彖 弇峎庛彄 怷弇弮峸帢庣弮庣 彄僇憊敖. 庥廒帠廔 弮廔統 怷廔庥 廒彖 廒彖帢怷巹弮庢彖 庥帢庥彃剿 廒庥怷彖, 怷廔帤廔 帠廔區 庥帢庥彃剿 峎彖, 廔 帤廔 庥廒彖 庥庰弮峎弮庰彖怷, 庰廒 20 庥庰帤帢巹彖庰庣彖 庣 弮峟弇弇怷庣繚
(6) 廔庣 帠庰 弮帢庣帠怷彃缶 帢庰彃庰 怷彃 帤怷弇怷庣 庥帢廔 庰庣彖 徆弇怷庣 廔 彖彃剿帢 庥帢廔 帠弮帢彃 廔 怷彖, 庥廒庰庣帢 庰庣帣帢弇弮庰彖怷 彃用疥睡, 彃 彖庥廔裒 庰廒區 廔 庰彃怷 庰廒區帤廔磁 彃僇 怷弇庰弮巹彖, 廒敖舜怷弇峸帢 廒彃弇庛庰. 庥帢廔 帢彃羊帢 廔弮怷弇怷帠峸庰庣 怷庣庰彃彖, 廒棲 帤廔 庥帢廔 庰巹庰庣, 弇峟帠彖 廔＋ 庥帢弇彃剿 25 峟帢庥帢庣. 廒庰庣帢 彃僇 廒庣弇弇峟 廔弇彖 廔帤庰 廔 弮帢庣帠巹帢 庥帢廔 廒敖舜弇怷 廒徆庣怷彃 庥帢彃帢庣;
(7) 廒帠廔 弮廔統 怷廔彖 廔弮彃彖 弇峟帠 怷彃 怷廔帤廔統 庰廒匿棲庣 庥庣帢彃 庥帢廔 帤庣庥帢帢彃, 弮廔 庰廒區 怷廔磁 弇帠怷 庥怷庰彃彖 庰廔 廒庰彃 庥巹彖怷彖帢, 廒弇弇宎 庰廒區 廔 廒帠帢 弮彄僇銜銜諺. 庥帢廔 帠廔區 廔 弇庰弮怷 怷廔 弇帠彃 庥巹彖庰帢庣 30 廒弇弇宎 廒帠彃麻 怷廔帤宎 廒彖庣弇峟帠庰庣彖 廒徆庰庣 廔裒 怷廔磁 怷弇庰弮巹怷, 廒弇弇宎 廒 弮帢怷弮峟彖怷 庥帢庰彃彖 廒 帤怷弇庰庰庣彖 庣彃. 廔裒 帢彃羊帢 廒庛庰彃庰 庥帢廔 庥怷庰彃庰繚 廔＋, 庰廒 弮廔 帤庣庥峎庰庰 庥帢弇彃剿, 帠彖庰庛庰 廔庣 怷廔帤庰弮巹帢彖 廒庰庣 弇帠怷 廔裒 廒帠怷彖 廒區彖, (8) 怷廔帤宎 廒庣彖 廔弮彄剿 廔 庣 弇峟帠彖 廒彖廔棲 廔庰弇峸庰庣, 庰廒棲庰庛庰 帤廔 廒庥庣帣彃剿 廔庣 帤庣宎 廒怷巹帢彖 廒帠彖 怷弇弇怷廔 庥帢廔 35 弮帢庥怷廔 弇帠怷庣 弇峟帠怷彖帢庣. 廒弇弇宎 廒 弇峟帠庰庰 廔庣 怷廔 徆彖巹庰庰 廔 弇庰帠弮庰彖帢
4 帢廔廔裕 X1 (corr.2) 11 峎庥怷彖庰] 怷廔庥 廔彖庰 20 庰廒 X 庰廒 帠庰 apogr. 33 帠彖庛峸庰庛庰
庥帢廔 廒彖巹帢庛庰, 廒 帤庣庥峎庤庰庰 廔庛彃剿. 庥帢廔 帢彃羊帢 弮廔 庥帣帤庢彖 {峟庰庰}, 廒弇弇廔 帢彖庰彃剿, 廒舒諄 帠彖彃剿庰 廔庣 庥帢廔 帢廔怷彃 怷彃 帤庣庥峎庤怷庣 帤怷峟帢 帤巹庥庢 廒巹彖, 廒彖 弮廔 帤庣庥峎庣彖 廔庛彃剿. 庥廒庰庣宎 廒棲 帠彖庰庛庰 廔庣 怷廔 庥庣帢廔 彃僇 弇庰帠怷弮峟彖彖 廒弇弇廔 帤怷徆帢帢廔 庥峎庛庢庛庰. (9) 廒帠廔 帤廔 帤庣帢帠彖庥庰庣彖 弮廔統 廔弮彃彖 庰廔 廒弮怷彃 庥帢廔 彃僇 廒弮彃僇 廒庣峟, 帤庣帢帤怷徆峎庤庰庣彖 帤廔 廒帢庣彖 廒帢帠怷庰, 庥帢廔 帢彃羊帢 庰廔 廒彖帤, 廔 怷廔 廒庥廔樁 廒弇弇宎 廒庥彖 廒彃庥帢庣 庰廒區 峇怷巹帢彖, 庥帢廔 庰廔 廒弮怷彃 廔 彃剿怷 廒庰廔 庥帢廔 弮彖怷 庥帢廔 廒彖庰 庰巹怷 峟帢帠弮帢庣.
12. Antisthenis Ulixes
(1) 怷廔 廔裒 峟 弮怷庣 弮彖怷彖 廔 弇帠怷, 帤庣宎 廔彖 廒彖峟庢彖, 廒弇弇廔 庥帢廔 廔裒 怷彃羊 廒弇弇怷 廒帢彖帢繚 弇庰巹 帠廔區 廒帠帢庛廔 庰怷巹庢庥帢 廔 帢庰帤怷彖 廒帠廔 廒 廔弮庰彃 廒帢彖庰. 庥帢廔 帢彃羊帢 庥帢廔 庤彃僇誕怷 廒彖 廒弇庰帠怷彖 廒庣弇弇峟, 庥帢廔 彖彃缶 庰庛彖庰彃剿怷 弇峟帠 廔裒 廔弮彄剿. 廔弮庰彃 弮廔統 帠廔區 5 怷廔帤庰弮巹帢彖 廒弇弇庢彖 弮峎庢彖 弮庰弮峎庢庛庰, 廒卅 怷廔廔 庥帢廔 廒帠廔 弮庰庛宎 廔弮彃僇蝓 廒弮怷廔 帤廔 彃僇 廒匿棒耆彖 庥庣彖帤彖彖 怷廔帤庰廔剿 廔弮彃僇 怷廔帤廔統 徆彖怷庣帤庰. (2) 庥帢巹怷庣 廒彖 弮廔統 帢彃 庥怷庣彖帢彃 弮峎帢庣, 怷廔帤廔 庰廒 庥帢弇彃剿 廒帠彖巹庤怷庣庛庰, 弇峟怷彖 廒帠巹帠彖庰怷 怷廔帤峟彖繚 廒彖 帤廔 怷彃 廒弮怷彃 庥庣彖帤彖怷庣, 怷廔 廒帠廔 弮彖怷 廒庥庣彖帤彖庰怷彖, 庰廒 弮廔統 庥帢怷庛帢庣弮庣, 廒帢彖帢 廒﹡澄彖 廒庰庰弇庰彃怷, 廔形 廒彖庰庥帢 帤庰彃羊怷 10 廒巹帠弮庰庛帢, 庰廒 帤宎 廒峎弇庢彖, 廒弮怷彃 廒彖 廒彖廔裒 廒彖帤廔裒 廒峟庢庛庰. 怷廔 帠廔區 廒舒諄 弮帢怷巹弮庰庛帢 怷彃 峇廔 帤庰彃羊宎 廒巹帠弮庰庛帢, 廒弇弇宎 廒舒諄 峸彖 庰 廒弇峟彖庢彖 廒怷弇峎帣怷庣弮庰彖 庥帢廔 廔棒 峇怷巹帢彖 廒弇怷庣弮庰彖. (3) 帢彃羊帢 帤宎 廒彖 怷彃 廒弮怷彃 庥庣彖帤彖怷庣 廒彖彃彖 廒帢彖帢. 廔怷 帠廔區 廒缶 庥庰庢弮峟彖怷彖 廒彖峎弇怷彖 庰廒僇諄敖 廔棒 峇怷巹帢彖, 庰廒 弮廔 庰怷彖 廔 廒帠帢弇弮帢 彃 庛庰怷彃 弇峎帣怷庣弮庰彖 廔 15 庥弇帢廔統 帢宎 廒﹡澄蕊彖, 巹 廒庣彖 廔 庥怷弮巹帢 帤庰彃羊怷 廔 廒帠帢弇弮帢 廒弇弇怷 廒 廒帠; 廔彖 帠庰 廒敖舜怷弇巹帢 庥巹彖庰庣. 廔 帠廔區 怷廔帤廔統 怷廒剿庛帢, 廔庣 廔裕 廒彖帤帢 廔裕 廒彖帢帢彖帢 廔 廒帠帢弇弮帢 彃 庛庰怷彃, 廒弇弇宎 怷廔 廔裕 廔庰弇弮庰彖怷彖 帢宎 廒﹡澄蕊彖 廒弇峟徆帢彖帤怷彖 廒怷庥帢弇庰彃 廒敖舜弇怷彖. (4) 庥帢廔 廔棒 峇怷巹帢彖 弮廔統 廒弇彃僇諄敖 廒帢彖庰 庰廔庰庛庰, 廒弮廔 帤廔 廔裕 廒徆庰彖帢, 廔 20 廒帢庣 怷彃羊怷, 廒怷庥帢弇庰彃 廒敖舜弇怷彖; 庥帢巹怷庣 庰廒棲庰 庥帢弇彖 帠庰 廒缶 廒弇庰彃彖 廔棒 廒樁銜團諺, 庥帢弇廔裕 庥帢廔 廔 庰廔庰彃彖 廔 怷怷 帢廒棲庣怷彖. 庥帢廔 怷廒 弮廔統 廒弇弇怷庣 峎庣彖 廒怷庣, 廔 帤廔 庥帢廔 廔彖庰庣帤巹庤庰庣 廒弮怷巹. 廔廔 帠廔區 廒弮帢庛巹帢 廔形 庰廔 峟怷彖庛帢 怷廔帤廔統 怷廒剿庛帢. (5) 庥廒帠廔 弮廔統 怷廔庥 廔彖庰庣帤巹庤 怷庣 廔棒 廒弮帢庛巹帢彖 廒庥彖 帠廔區 帢廔廔 庥帢廔 廔 庥帢廔 <怷廒> 廒弇弇怷庣 庰彖庛帢庣彖 廒帢彖庰 廒弇弇宎 廔庣 帤庣廔 廔 廔彖庰巹帤庢 廔 廒弮廔 彃割剿弮庰彖怷 怷廔 怷廒煙 庰 庰廒 庰巹庛庰庛帢庣,
7 怷廔庰 9 廔弮彃彖 10 帤廔 帢弇庰巹庢彖 16 廔 帠廔區] 帠庰 24 庰彖庛帢 i. e. 庰彖庛帢庰 vel 庰彖庛帢庣彖
廒弇弇廔 庥帢廔 怷帢庰庣弇庰彃 廔＋ 庥帢庥廔裕 帤峎彖 庣 怷帤庰, 廒廔匿 廒弮怷廔 廔 廔弇帢 庢巹彖帢庣. 庥帢廔 怷弇弇峎庥庣 帠庰 廒庰庣弇峸庰庣 庥帢廔 怷弇弇峎, 廔僇 庥帢廔 弮庣庥彖 庣 廒帠峎帢庛帢庣繚 廒弇弇宎 庰廒棲庰 廒庥 彃僇 庰廒匿磁彖 庣 廔 庰庥弮帢巹庰庛帢庣, 廔廔 彃 庥帢庥彃 廔帠彃 怷廒棒諺樁敖 庰 庥帢庥彖 庣 帢廔裕 廒帠峎庰庛帢庣.
(6) 庥帢廔 廒弮怷廔 弮峟彖, 廔庣 怷廔磁 怷弇庰弮巹怷 庥帢庥彃剿 廒怷巹庢帢, 帤庰庣弇巹帢彖 廔彖庰庣帤巹庤庰庣繚 廔 帤廔 廔庣 帢彖庰彃剿 廒弮庛庰庣 庥帢廔 弮峎庢彖, 廒弇巹庛庣怷 廒羊庛帢. <廒> 廔庣 弮庰廔 峎彖彖 怷彃羊怷 廒帤帢帢, 怷廒棒舒 帣庰弇巹彖 庰廒僇諄敖; 廒庰庣帢 庰廔 廒庰彃 廔裒 廒弮廔 弇峟帠庰庣; 廔 彃剿怷彖 弮廔統 怷廔庥 怷廒剿庛帢 怷廔帤宎 廔 10 廒帤庰庣 弮峎庰庛帢庣, 廒弇弇宎 廔甩庰 廔 廒帠庣怷 廔帠彃 庰弮庰彖怷 峎宎 廒彖 怷庰 廒怷庥庰彖庰彃 庰帢廔裕 庥帢庥彃 庰庣庰彖 彃. o廔庥 怷廒剿庛帢 廔庣 廔裕 廒彖帤帢 廔裕 廒帠帢庛廔裕 怷廔庛宎 廔宎 帢廔怷彃 廔 怷廔庛宎 廔宎 廒帢巹怷 怷廔庛宎 廔廔 彃僇 怷弇庰弮巹彖 庥帢庥廔裕 怷廔帤宎 廔庣怷彃缶 峎庰庣彖; (7) 廔 帤廔 廔甩庰 怷廒 帢彃帤庰 帢巹庰庣, 廔庣 峟 帢庣彖 怷廒舒棒 廒彖帤庰彃怷彖 庰廒僇諄敖; 廒帠廔 帤廔 帤庰庣弇帢彖 帠庰 15 廒峎彖彖 庰 庥帢廔 帤庰帤庣帢 廔裕 庛峎彖帢怷彖 弮峎弇庣帢繚 廔庣 帠庰 彃剿怷彖 廔弇帢 廒庰庣 廒庢庥帢 庥帢廔 廒帢, 帤庣宎 廒庰 峟 帢庣彖 廒怷彖 庰廒僇諄敖. 庥帢巹怷庣 巹 廒彖 帤峎庰庣, 庰廒 庣 怷廔 彃僇 怷弇庰弮巹彖 怷庣帢彃羊帢 廔弇帢 廒彖 怷峟弇庛怷庣; 廒 怷 庥帢弇彖 庣 庥帢廔 庛帢弮帢廔裕 廒彖 庰廒棒, 庰廒 弮庢帤峟庰怷 廔弮彃僇 弮庢帤廔統 帤彄剿帢庣 帤彖帢庣怷. 廒庰庣帢 怷廒棒舒 庣 帤庣帢峟庰庣彖 怷庣帢彃羊帢 廔弇帢 20 廒彖 廒 廒彖廔裒 庰巹怷 庥帢庛彃庛帢庣; 庥帢廔 怷廔 弮彖彃 帤廔 庰彃怷 怷廔庥 廒庣彖 廔＋ 廔 峸繚 弮彖怷 弮廔統 怷廔彖 帠庰 廒帢帣庰庣怷彖 庰庣峟彃 庰彃怷 怷帣帢弇弇弮庰彖怷 廒帢怷彃汕 (8) 廒帠廔 帤廔 廒怷弇怷 怷廔 廔裒 廔 庰巹庢 彃僇 怷弇庰弮巹彖 廒弇弇宎 庰廒區 帢廔廔 庰廒區峟怷弮帢庣 廔 庰巹庢, 庥帢廔 彃僇 怷弇庰弮巹彖 怷廔磁 怷弇帢庥帢 廒帠庢帠怷帢 帢廔怷彃 廔弇怷庣庣彖 帢廒救彃, 庥帢廔 庰廒匿澄蓿 25 帢庢帠廔裒 庥帢廔 弇帢徆 庥帢廔 怷彃 庥帢廔 彃僇 廒弇弇彖 廒峎彖彖, 庥帢廔 怷廒僇棒 峎 宎 廒彖庛峎帤庰 庥帢廔 廔 廒彖 怷彃 怷弇庰弮巹怷庣, 怷廔廔 峟弮彖 庥帢帢庥庰弮庰彖怷彖 廒弇弇怷彖繚 廒弇弇宎 帢廔, 廔甩庰 怷廒 庥帣庰彖彃帢庣 廔棒 彖庥帢 庥帢廔 廔棒 廒﹡樁倔帢彖 庥怷怷彃羊庣彖 廔 怷庣 怷廔磁 彖帢帢, 怷廔 帤廔 庥帢廔 廒帠帠庰 庥帢廔 廔 庥帢廔 怷彃羊 廒弇弇怷 廒帢彖帢 彃棒剿. (9) 怷廔帤宎 廒庣彖 廔彖庣彖帢 庥巹彖帤彖怷彖 30 廒帠怷彖 帢廒區廔裕 廒﹡割煙峎弮庰彖怷, 廒彖 彄 弮峟弇弇怷庣弮庣 怷廔磁 怷弇庰弮巹怷 庥帢庥彖 庣 帤峎庰庣彖繚 怷廔帤宎 庰廒 弮廔統 廔庰庛帢巹 弮峟 庣彖庰 廒弮庰弇弇怷彖, 帠弇庣弮庰彖怷 廒彖 怷彃 帤怷庥庰彃彖 廒弇弮彖繚 廒弇弇宎 庰廒棲庰 帤怷彃缶銜諫 庰廒棲庰 廔裒 庥帢廔 弮帢庣帠巹帢 廔卅 弮峟弇弇怷庣弮庣 怷廔磁 怷弇庰弮巹怷 庥帢庥彖 庣 帤峎庰庣彖, 廒庰庰巹怷彖 廒彖, 庥帢廔 庰廒 弮庢帤庰廔剿 廔彃棒. 怷廔 帠廔區 帤怷庥庰彃彖 廔 弇庰弮怷 廒弇弇廔 帤彄僇 廒庰廔 庥帢廔 廒彖 35 廒﹡樁倔彄 庥帢廔 廒彖 彖庥廔 庣弇庰彃 庣. 怷廔帤廔 廔弇帢 廒巹 弮怷庣 庰帢帠弮峟彖帢, 廒彖 怷廒煙 怷庥帢弇怷彃缶樁敖 怷廔磁 怷弇庰弮巹怷 弮峎庰庛帢庣, 廒弇弇宎 廔彖庣彖帢 廒庛峟弇庰庣 庣
1 帤峎彖 庣] 帤峎帢彖庣 5 廒帠峎帢庛帢庣 11 庥帢庥彃剿 12 廔宎 帢廔怷彃 廒峟怷 17 帤峎彃 23 庰巹庰庣 26 峟弮 36 怷彃 怷弇庰弮巹怷庣
怷彖, 庥帢廔 廔裒 廒彖帢 庥帢廔 廔裒 怷弇弇怷廔磁 廒怷庣弮 庰廒匿暱 廒庰巹. (10) 怷廔帤宎 廒﹡諄翁睡 庥峎弮彖 弮帢弮庰彖怷, 廔甩庰 , 廔 廔弇帢 廒峟怷庣 帢帢帤巹帤弮庣, 廒弇弇宎 廔帢彖 廒彖帢帢彖帢庣 怷廒 怷弇峟弮庣怷庣, 庰 帢廔怷彃 彃 彖庥廔裒 廒庣巹庛庰弮帢庣, 廒彖 怷庣帢彃羊帢 廔弇帢 廒 廒庥庰巹彖怷 帣弇峎庰庣 弮峎弇庣帢. 5 庥帢廔 怷廔帤廔 彖廔睡 怷峟 弮庰 廒庰巹弇庰怷, 廔甩庰 廔 怷弇弇峎庥庣 弮帢弮庰彖怷彖 廒弮庰彖怷彖 峟帢庥庰彖繚 廒弇弇宎 廒﹡諄翁睡 廒彖 彃用倀剴彃 , 庢彖庣庥帢彃羊帢 廒帠廔 彃棒剿 峟, 庥帢廔 怷廔磁 怷弇庰弮巹怷 廒庰廔 庥帢庥彖 庣 怷庣彃, 廒彖 廔 帤怷弇怷庰彃 帢彃羊帢 廔弇帢 庥帢廔 廔 彃用疥睡 庥帢廔 廔區 弮峎庣帠帢, 帤庣宎 廒 廔 廒帢弇彃剿 庥帢庛庰帤庰庣. 10
(11) 廔 帤宎 廔庣 峟彖 廒庥弮庣帢 廔裕 彖庰庥彖, 廒彖帤庰彃怷 怷廒棒舒 庰廒僇諄敖; 廔彖 庰廒 弮廔 廒帤彖 峟庰庣彖, 帤怷 廒彖帤庰 廒彖 廒庰峟庢彖, 庥廒庰庣帢 庥廒庥庰彃彖怷庣 庰廔 廒庰彃 廒棲 廒彖 廒﹡澄彖 廒弮庣帣峸怷彖. 庥廒弮怷廔 弮廔統 廔 帢廔廔裒 廒彖 廔裒 帢廔怷廔磁 廒缶 弇帠怷繚 廔 帤廔 巹 廒彖 廒弇庰帠庰 廒弮庣帣庢彃僇 廔裒 帢廔怷; 廒 帤怷彃彖 弮廔統 怷廔庥 廒彖 怷彖巹帢庣, 廒彖廔裒 帤宎 廒彖 帢廒區彖怷庣怷 廔弮怷弇怷帠彃僇 15 帤庰庣弇庰怷 庰廒僇諄敖; (12) 怷廔庥 怷廒剿庛宎 廔庣 怷廔 怷彃 彖庰庥怷彃 怷彃 峇廔僇 廒弇弇廔 彃僇 廔弇彖 廒弮庰弇庰彖 廔 弇峎帣怷庣庰彖; 廔裕 弮廔統 帠廔區 廒怷帤庰庣彖 廒弮庰弇弇怷彖, 廔 帤廔 廔弇帢 廒彖帢庛峸庰庣彖 庰廒區 廔 廒敖舜廔 怷彃 庛庰怷彃. 怷廔磁 帠廔區 彖庰庥怷廔磁 怷廔 怷彃 怷廔庥 廒彖帢庣怷弮峟彖怷庣 帢廒區彖, 廒弇弇廔 怷彃 弮廔 廒怷帤庣帤怷彃羊庣 庛峎庰庣彖. 廔 弮廔統 怷廔彖 廔 廒怷庣弮帢 廒庥弮庣帢繚 廒帠廔 帤廔 廔 廔彖庰庣帤庣庤弮庰彖帢 20 廒庰庣弇弮庢彖 廒庥庰巹彖怷.
(13) 庛彖怷彖 帤廔 庥帢廔 廒弮帢庛巹帢彖 彖怷庰彃, 庥帢庥彃僇 廒彖帢彖庣帢帢 帢廔怷彃繚 庥帢廔 廔 弮峟彖 庰 廒庣庛弮庰彃彖 怷庣庰彃 彃僇 庥帢弇彃僇, 廒 帤廔 廒怷峟庰庣. 廒彖庛庣彖怷彖 弮廔統 怷廔彖 庣 峟怷彖庛帢繚 帤庣庣 帠廔區 廒區, 怷廒棒舒 庥帢廔 廒彖帤庰彃怷 庰廒僇諄敖. 怷廔庥 怷廒剿庛帢 廔庣 怷巹彄 庰廔 弇庰弮怷彖 庥帢廔 廒彖帤庰巹彄 25 怷廔 帢廔彖 廒庣彖 廒區彃羊帢庣; 廒弮帢庛巹帢 帤廔 庥帢庥廔裕 弮峟帠庣怷彖 怷彃 廒怷庣彖. (14) 怷廒僇樁敖 帤, 廒峎彖 怷峟 庣 廒帢 怷廔裒 怷庣庢廔棲 庰廔 廒庰彃 帠峟彖庢帢庣, 廒弮廔 弮廔統 怷庣峸庰庣 怷弇弇帢彖帢 庥帢廔 怷弇弮庢庣彖 庥帢廔 怷弇弮峸帢彖怷彖 庥帢廔 怷弇巹怷庛怷彖 庥帢廔 弮彖怷彖 廔棒 峇怷巹帢彖 廒弇彖帢, 廔 帤峟, 廔＋ 廒帠彄缶樁敖, 廔棒 庣彖 廒庰庣庥峎庤彖 怷彃 庰 彖庛峟庣彖 廔彖怷庣 庥帢廔 帣怷廔 怷彃 怷帣峎庣彖, 30 廒弇弇怷庣 帢峟怷庣 帤庰弮庰庰庣彖 庥帢廔 庤庰帠彖彖帢庣 帢廔怷.
5 怷廔庰 12 廒區] 18 廒彖帢庣怷弮峟彖怷 X sec. Lampr. 23 帤庣 27 怷庣峸庢 怷弇弇帢彖 庰 30 廔峎怷庣 帢廔怷
廔峟怷 廒怷弇怷帠巹帢彖 (v. s. 4) eiusdem generis fuisse declamationem, cuius orationes Aiacis et Ulixis sunt, dudum intellectum, auctor autem, sicut in Aiace et Ulixe, cum tragoedia certat. Scimus quidem ex Arist怷tele (rhet. 1401 a 35) etiam a Theodecte poeta restis apologiam secundum leges rhetoricas (廒庥 帤庣帢庣峟庰) esse elaboratam.
Dubia
13. Isocr. 10 (Helenae), 8: 廒及棒 庣彖廔紮... 怷弇弮彃剿庣 帠峎庰庣彖, 廔＋ 廒庣彖 廔 彃僇 庰彖彖 庥帢廔 庰帠彖彖 帣巹怷 庤庢弇庰怷 廒 彃僇 廒弇弇彖 廒彖庛彖.
Sequentia vide in excerptis ex Isocr. 10, 8-13. Huc rettulerunt Aristot. rhet. 1401 b 25 sq.: 廔庣 廒彖 怷彃 廒敖舜怷彃 怷廒 怷廔 庥帢廔 彄帤怷庣 庥帢廔 廔怷彃缶誕帢庣 庥帢廔 廔庣 怷彃 帠峎庣彖 廒徆庰庣彖 怷廒匿睡菲彖 廔怷 廒彖 庛峟弇庣彖繚 廔怷 帠廔區 怷彃 帤怷庥怷彃羊庣彖 庰廔帤帢庣弮怷彖庰彃彖 廔峎庰庣 帢彃羊帢, 庥帢廔 怷廒煙 帢彃羊帢 廔峎庰庣, 帤徆帢庣庰彖 廒彖 庰廔帤帢庣弮怷彖庰彃彖. De Antisthene auctore cogitavit Usener Quaest. Anax. p. 9, M羹ller 18 adn. 2, alii aliter (Muenscher Rh. M. 54, 255 sq. Susemihl ibid. 55, 581 sq.), encomion aliquod ab Isocrate intellegi, ex iis, quae addit, satis apparet.
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XIX. Antisthenes
1. Diogenes Laertius 6.1.1: To begin with, he became a pupil of Gorgias the rhetorician, and hence the rhetorical style that he introduces in his dialogues, and especially in his Truth and in his Exhortations. [2] According to Hermippus he intended at the public gathering for the Isthmian games to discourse on the faults and merits of Athenians, Thebans and Lacedaemonians [因. Later on, however, he came into touch with Socrates.
2. Suda s.v.: Antisthenes of Athens, a Socratic philosopher among the rhetoricians.
3. Jerome, Against Jovinianus 2.14: He wrote countless books, of which some are on philosophy, others on rhetoric.
4. Diogenes Laertius 6.1.15: His writings are preserved in ten volumes. The first includes: A Treatise on Expression, or Styles of Speaking; Ajax, or The Speech of Ajax; Odysseus, or Concerning Odysseus; A Defence of Orestes, or Concerning Forensic Writers; Isography (similar writing), or Lysias and Isocrates; A Reply to the Speech of Isocrates entitled Without Witnesses.
Line 2 f.: On this topic see Usener, Kl. Schr. 1.11 (Quaest. Anax. p. 13).
5. Diogenes Laertius 17: The seventh volume contains the following: On Education, or On Names, in five books; . . . On the Use of Names: a controversial work; Of Questioning and Answering.
These works may have touched on rhetoric in some way. See A. Mueller, De Antisthenis Cynici vita et scriptis (1860) 38 f.
6. Epictetus, 1.17.2: Antisthenes does not say it? Then who was it who wrote: The beginning of education is the study of words?
Cf. Prodicus of Ceos' Precision in Terms.
7. Diogenes Laertius 6.1.3: He was the first to define statement (or assertion) by saying that a statement is that which sets forth what a thing was or is <or will be>.
8. Aristotle, Metaphysics 1024 b32: Hence it was foolish of Antisthenes to insist that nothing can be described except by its proper definition: one predicate for one subject; from which it followed that contradiction is impossible, and falsehood nearly so.
Alexander of Aphrodisia explains these words at length (Comment. in Aristotelem gr. I p. 434, 25 f. Hayduck), but adds nothing of substance. The passage is rightly attributed to Antisthenes Truth, although it belongs more to philosophy yet the author also treads on the rhetoricians turf. Therefore, I have added this fragment as well as the preceding.
9. Athenaeus: His political dialogue contains an invective against all Athenians demagogues, the Archelaos one against Gorgias, the Aspasia a slander of Perikles sons Xanthippos and Paralos.
Aeschines the student of Socrates also wrote an Aspasia; a man who is himself called rhetorical as well (Diog. Laert. 2.7.62 f.). It is fairly strange that two works related to each other (see Aeschinis Socratici reliquiae ed. H. Krauss 8 f., p. 41 f., 71 f.) should have appeared at about the same time, unless one praised her and the other criticized.
10. Porphyrius, Scholion on Homer Odyssey 1.1: Antisthenes claims that Homer is not praising Odysseus when he calls him a man of many devices, but rather berating him. For he did not make Agamemnon or Ajax men of many devices, but simple and noble; and the wise Nestor he did not make, by Zeus, a fraud with an untrustworthy character, but he deals straightforwardly with Agamemnon and all the others and, if he has something worthwhile to say regarding military affairs, he gives advice instead of hiding it. And Achilles was so far from accepting such a behaviour that he hates as much as death "that man that hideth one thing in his mind and sayeth another" (Iliad 9.313).
Antisthenes says this by way of refutation [?]. But so what? Is Odysseus a bad person because he is made to be a man of many devices, rather than being called that because he is clever? Does 怷 not signify on the one had a persons character, but on the other hand also the use of speech: a man with a good tropos is turned toward the good, but the 怷庣 of speech are the compositions, whatever they are. Homer uses the word to refer to variance both in the voice and in the singing, as with respect to the nightingale: with many trilling notes she pours forth her rich voice.[Odyssey 19.521]
Also, if clever people are very good at discussing and know how to express the same idea in several ways, then since they know many ways of speaking about the same thing they are of many devices. And if the clever are good at dealing with people, this is why Homer says that Odysseus, who is clever, is of many devices: he knew how to deal with people in several different ways.
11. Ajax (translation by Billy Kennedy)
(1.1) I wish I were being tried by the very people who were there with us during this venture. For I know that while I would only need to be silent, nothing would be gained by this man by arguing. But as it is, those who were there during these deeds are absent, and you (1.5) ignorant men are judging me. What sort of justice could one receive from judges who are ignorant? And by arguments at that! But the endeavour came about via action.(2.1) While I picked up and carried the body of Achilles, this man took the arms, knowing that the Trojans were not more eager about the arms, but rather to gain control of the body. For if they had gained control of it, they would have ravaged (2.5) his body and gained requital for Hector. But the arms, these they would not have dedicated to their gods, but would have | hidden them away (3.1) out of fear of this brave man, who had also previously robbed their temple of the statue of the goddess by night, and as if he were carrying out some noble deed he displayed it to the Achaeans. And indeed I think I deserve to receive them, so that I can restore (3.5) the arms to his friends. But this man, so that he can sell them, since he surely would not dare to use them. For no coward uses conspicuous arms he knows that the arms make his cowardice obvious.
(4.1) So it is more or less the same all over. For those men who arranged the contest, though they claim to be kings, entrusted the judgement of excellence to others, and you who are ignorant have undertaken to judge a matter about which you have no clue. But I know this: (4.5) that no king competent to judge about excellence would entrust this to others any more than a good doctor would allow the diagnosis of illnesses by another.
(5.1) And if I were opposed to a man of similar character to myself, being defeated would not matter to me. But as it is, nothing could be more different than me and him. For while there is no exploit he would do openly, I would not dare to do anything surreptitiously. (5.5) And whereas I could not bear a cowardly reputation, nor to be mistreated, he would endure being strung up if he could derive any profit by it.
(6.1) He who in fact did submit himself to being flogged by slaves, and being beaten with rods on the back, and punched with fists in the face, and then having thrown rags about himself, by night he crept inside the walls of the enemy, and having committed temple-robbery, he came back. And this he will admit (6.5) to doing. And perhaps he will be persuasive arguing that it is a splendid achievement. And then this man who has been flogged and is a temple-robber thinks he deserves to gain possession of the arms of Achilles?
(7.1) On the contrary, I enjoin you ignorant men judges and jurymen not to consider arguments when you are deciding about excellence, but rather to consider deeds. For indeed war is not decided by argument but by action. It is not possible to gainsay the (7.5) enemy, but either to fight and conquer, or be enslaved in silence. Look at and consider this! That unless you judge well, you will come to realise that argument has no power in comparison | with action; (8.1) and nor is there any way an arguing man will aid you, but you will know to a nicety that because of a dearth of deeds, many and long arguments are argued. But either admit that you do not understand the arguments made, and adjourn; or judge correctly! And do this (8.5) not secretly, but openly! So that you may realise that there is a penalty that must be paid by the judges themselves, if they do not judge correctly. And then perhaps you will also recognise that you are seated here not as judges over the arguments but merely as guessers. (9.1) But while I rely upon you to make determination about me and my affairs, I forbid all of you from making guesses, and this matter is about a man, who not willingly but rather unwillingly came to Troy, and about (9.5) me, who am always stationed first, and alone, and without walls.
12. Odysseus
(1.1) My argument for which I rose to speak is not to you alone, but also to all the others. For I have done the army greater good than all of you. And these things, that I would have said to you even if Achilles were alive, I am saying to you now that he is dead. (1.5) For you fought no battle, but those which I also fought with you. But none of you shares with me the knowledge of the risks I took on my own. (2.1) And indeed, in these shared battles, not even if you had contended honourably, would any more have been achieved. But in respect of my ventures through which I alone hazarded the dangers if in fact I have executed them successfully, then all the goals for which we came to this place have been accomplished (2.5) for you, and if I had failed, you would have been deprived of but one man. For it was not to fight against the Trojans that we came here, but to recover Helen and capture Troy. (3.1) And all these depended on my ventures. For example, when the oracle pronounced Troy impregnable unless we had first seized the statue of the goddess that was stolen from us; who conveyed the statue here (3.5) other than I, the man whom you (Ajax) adjudge guilty of temple-robbery? For you are ignorant, you who call the man who recovered the statue of the goddess 'temple-robber', but not Alexander who stole it from us! (4.1) And while every one of you is praying that Troy be captured, I, who discovered how this will come to pass, you brand 'temple-robber'? And yet if it was really noble to capture Ilion, it was also noble to discover the means to do it. (4.5) And while the others are grateful, you go so far as to reproach me. For through stupidity you are ignorant of the benefits you have received. (5.1) And I in fact am not reproaching you for your stupidity for both you and all others who suffer this condition do so involuntarily but rather, the fact that you are incapable of believing though saved by these shameful acts of mine, that you were saved by me. And (5.5) you are even threatening in addition that you will do some harm against these men, if they were to vote the arms to me. And indeed you will threaten often and much, before you will accomplish even the slightest thing. But if one must form a judgement from probability, I think that by your wicked rage you will do some harm to your very self.
(6.1) And so you rebuke me for cowardice because I have done harm to the enemy. But because you were toiling openly and in vain, you were foolish. Or is it because you have done this along with everyone, you think you are better? And then you speak to me about excellence? You who (6.5) in the first place don't know even how you ought to fight, but just like a wild pig is carried away by anger, perhaps one day you will kill yourself when you fall upon something evil. Do you not know that a brave warrior should not suffer evil in any way whatsoever, not by his own hand, or his companion's nor even at the hands of his enemies? (7.1) But do you delight just as children do, because these men say that you are brave? But I say you are actually the greatest coward of all and fear death the most. You who firstly have arms that are unbreakable and unpierceable, on account of which (7.5) they say that you are invulnerable. And yet what would you do, if one of your enemies were to approach you bearing such arms? For surely this would be something fine and marvellous, if neither of you were able to do anything! Secondly, do you think there is any difference between bearing such arms and being ensconced within a city-wall? For you alone (7.10) there is no wall so you say. Yet in fact it is you alone who go around carrying a seven-ox-hide wall before yourself. (8.1) Whereas I go unarmed, not just up to the walls of the enemy, but inside the very walls themselves. And I overpower the fully awake sentries of the enemy, weapons and all, and I am the general (8.5) and protector of both you and all of the others, and I know what is going on here and among the enemy, and not because I send another spying; but I myself, just as helmsmen keep watch through the night and through the day, so that they save the sailors so I am the one who saves both you and all the others. (9.1) And there is no danger that I shirked, because I thought it shameful, provided I could do some damage to the enemy. And not even if some people were likely to witness me, would I have undertaken my ventures out of lust for a glorious reputation; but either as a slave, or as a beggar and knave, (9.5) intending to do some harm to the enemy, I would make my attempt, even if no one was watching. For war does not lend itself to making glorious displays, but to taking action continuously both by day and by night. I have no prescribed armaments in which I challenge the enemy to fight, but by whatever way anyone wants, both (9.10) against one or against many, I am always ready. (10.1) When I grow weary of fighting, I do not, as you do, hand over my arms to another, but whenever the enemy rests, then I attack them in the night, bearing such armaments as will (10.5) harm them the most. And nor has the night ever yet hindered me, as it has many times readily stopped you fighting. But when you are snoring, at precisely that time I keep you safe; and ever doing some harm to the enemy bearing these servile weapons, and rags, and lash marks because of which you securely sleep.
(11.1) And did you think that picking up and carrying the body was brave? Which if you had not been able to pick up, two men would have picked up, and then they would have perhaps been disputing with us over the prize of valour. And I would have been delivering this very argument to them; and what would you (11.5) be saying as you disputed against them? Or would you have given no heed to two, but feel shame to admit to being more cowardly than one? (12.1) Are you ignorant that the body was of no concern to the Trojans but it was the arms that they were eager to seize? For they were going to give back the body, but the arms they were going to dedicate at their temples to the gods. For those failing to take up bodies don't have shame, but rather those do (12.5) who don't give them up for burial. So you carried away what was easy, while I took from them the things which, by my seizing, brings them reproach.
(13.1) You are suffering from envy and ignorance, the most antithetical of evils to each other: the one makes you desire noble things, the other turns you away from them. So you are the victim of a particularly human frailty for since you are strong, you suppose that you are also brave. Are you ignorant that (13.5) cleverness and bravery in battle is not the same thing as being strong? Stupidity is the greatest evil to those who have it. (14.1) But I believe, that if there ever arises a poet who is shrewd concerning excellence, he will portray me as much enduring, and much wily, and much scheming, and a sacker of cities the one who alone seized Troy. But you, (14.5) I believe, he will depict with a nature resembling that of lazy donkeys and grazing cattle permitting others to chain and yoke them.
13. Isocrates 10: Some even dare write that the life of beggars and exiles is to be more envied than that of all others.
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