IX. THRASYMACHUS (Cf. A V 1 sq. V怷rsokratiker 78. 855) 1. Sud. lex. s. v.: 帢弮帢怷繚 峓帢弇庥庢帤彖庣怷 怷庣廔棲 彃 廒彖 庣庛彖巹彄 峓帢弇庥庢帤彖怷 ... 弮帢庛庢廔棲 (l. 庥帢庛庢帠庢廔棲 Bernhardy) 弇峎彖怷 怷彃 庣弇怷怷 庥帢廔 廒裒怷庥峎怷 怷彃 彃用晅怷怷. 廒帠帢庰 峉弮帣怷弇庰庣庥怷, 峇峟彖庢彖 彃用煙怷庣庥峸彖, 帢巹帠彖庣帢, 廒怷弮廔區 彃用煙怷庣庥峎. Cf. Aristot. Soph. el. 33, 183 b 29 (supra A V 6) - 庢廔徆峸庥帢庣 峇庰庣巹帢 弮廔統 弮庰廔 怷廔磁 怷, 帢弮帢怷 帤廔 弮庰廔 峇庰庣弮巹帢彖. - De singulorum librorum argumentis v. Schwartz p. 4 sq., Navarre 155, Maas, Hermae 22, 575 sq. (Pl繹bst 17 adn. 2).
2. Schol. Aristoph. Av. 880: 廔 帢廔廔 怷彃 庰怷弮怷 (de Atheniensibus pro Chiorum salute precantibus) 庥帢廔 帢弮帢 庢庣彖 廒彖 彃 庰帠峎弇庢 峇峟彖庢. Artem Plato quoque testari videtur Phaedri 261 C, 266 C. D.
3. Plato Phaedr. 271 A (Socrates, sua ipsius praecepta dans) 帤彃弇怷彖 廒帢, 廔庣 廔 帢弮帢 庰 庥帢廔 廔 廒彖 廒弇弇怷 怷帤彃 峟彖庢彖 彃用煙怷庣庥廔棒 帤庣帤彃, 彃剿怷彖 峎彃 廒庥庣帣庰巹彄 帠峎庰庣 庰 庥帢廔 怷庣峸庰庣 廔棒 廒匿棒菲彖.
4. Ibid. 269 D: 庰廒 弮峟彖 怷庣 廔峎庰庣 庰庣 彃用煙怷庣庥彃 庰廒僇諄敖, 廒庰庣 彃用晅 廒弇弇帠庣弮怷, 怷弇帢帣廔樁 廒庣峸弮庢彖 庰 庥帢廔 弮庰弇峟庢彖繚 廔怷 帤宎 廒彖 廒弇弇巹彃 怷彖, 帢彃 廒庰弇廔棲 廒庰庣. 廔怷彖 帤廔 帢廔怷彃 峟彖庢, 怷廔, 彄 巹帢 庰 庥帢廔 帢弮帢怷 怷庰庰帢庣, 帤怷庥庰彃 弮怷庣 帢巹彖庰庛帢庣 廒 弮峟庛怷帤怷. Thrasymachum 怷帤彃 廒徆庣帢 invenisse ante Aristotelis 彃用煙怷庣庥廔 帢帢帠帠峟弇弮帢帢 testatur Dionysius Hal. ad Amm. I p. 259, 1 sq.
5. Philod. rhet. p. I 86, 11 (laudans Metrodori verba 廒彖 彃 彃 庰廔 怷庣庢弮峎彖): 庥帢廔 廒弇弇怷[ 怷庣怷怷] 庰廒區[庰彃彖] 弮廔統 廒彖 弇峸庛庰庣 庰廔 彃僇 弇峸庛庰庣 庢巹弮彖 廒敖睡崙彖怷, ]廔棒 {帤廔瓠 帢弮峎[怷 峟]彖庢彖 廒 廒弇弇怷 廔怷[帤峸怷宎] 帢廔彃僇 怷廔 弮[帢庛]彖[帢 帢彖庰]弇彃跋], 廒庣[峎]帢 [帤廔 廔彖]帢 庥帢帢[彖怷庰彃彖, 廔 帤峟怷彖] 廒庥峎怷宎 廒缶, 怷廔磁 怷庣怷怷 廒彖庛[怷. 怷廔]彖帢彖巹怷彖 [帤宎 廒]峎[帠庰庣 ]帢帢帤[庰庣庥]彖彖, []帢[]弮帢怷彖 庥帢廔 廒弇弇怷 怷廔庥 廔弇巹帠怷 彃僇 帤怷庥怷彖彖 廔區 怷庣帢帢 廒庰庣彖 弇帠彖 怷弇庣庣庥彃僇 廒 彃用煙怷庣庥彃僇 峟彖帢 怷廔庛峟彖, 廔形 帢庣彖 廒庰庣彖 廔區 峟彖帢[, 彖]庰[弇怷彃因彖帢, [廒庰庣帤廔匿 彖怷弮怷]庛峟帢庣 廔羊庣彖. Supplementa partim incerta; v. Sudhaus, Philodemi Supplementum p. 43.
6. Plato Phaedr. 267 C: 彃僇 帠庰 弮廔棒 怷廒匿磁怷帠彖 廒廔 帠彃帢 庥帢廔 庰彖巹帢彖 廒弇庥怷弮峟彖彖 弇帠彖 庥庰庥帢庢庥峟彖帢庣 峟彖彃 弮怷庣 帢巹彖庰帢庣 廔 怷彃 峓帢弇庥庢帤怷彖巹怷 庛峟彖怷, 廔帠巹帢庣 庰 帢廔 怷弇弇怷廔磁 廒弮帢 帤庰庣彖廔裒 廒彖廔棲 帠峟帠怷彖庰彖, 庥帢廔 峎弇庣彖 廔帠庣弮峟彖怷庣 廒彄棒棲彖 庥庢弇庰彃彖, 廔＋ 廒庢, 帤庣帢帣峎弇弇庰庣彖 庰 庥帢廔 廒怷弇帢庛帢庣 帤庣帢帣怷弇廔區 廔庛庰彖帤廔 庥峎庣怷. 廔 帤廔 帤廔 峟弇怷 彃僇 弇帠彖 庥怷庣彖彃 彄剿庣彖 廒怷庣庥庰 彖帤庰帤怷帠弮峟彖怷彖 庰廒僇諄敖, 彄 庣彖庰 弮廔統 廒峎彖怷帤怷彖, 廒弇弇怷庣 帤廔 廒弇弇怷 巹庛庰彖帢庣 廔彖怷弮帢. 廒弇峟怷 (v. i.) tangit, 廒弇庰庰庣彖怷弇怷帠巹帢彖 vocat Phaedri 272 A. Rei nihil addit Hermias ad locum (p. 239, p. 192 Ast, r. Att. fr. p. 164 Sauppii). Cf. Aristot. rhet. 1354 a 14 怷廒 帤廔 (sc. 怷廒 廔區 峟彖帢 彃僇 弇帠彖 彖庣庛峟彖庰) 庰廔 弮廔統 廒彖庛弮庢弮峎彖 怷廔帤廔統 弇峟帠怷庣彖, 廔庰 廒廔 彃僇樁 彃 巹庰, 庰廔 帤廔 彃僇 廒徆 怷彃 峎帠弮帢怷 廔 弇庰彃帢 帢帠弮帢庰怷彖帢庣. 帤庣帢帣怷弇廔 帠廔區 庥帢廔 廒弇庰怷 庥帢廔 廔帠廔 庥帢廔 廔 怷庣帢彃羊帢 峎庛庢 彃 彃 怷廔 庰廔 怷彃 峎帠弮帢 廒庣彖, 廒弇弇廔 廔裒 廔裕 帤庣庥帢峸彖. Thrasymachum idem respicit 1356 a 15, respicit fortasse Thucydides, cum Cleonem dicentem inducit (III 40, 2): 廒帠廔 弮廔統 怷廔彖 庥帢廔 庰 彃剿怷彖 庥帢廔 彖彃缶 帤庣帢弮峎怷弮帢庣 弮廔 弮庰帢帠彖彃僇諄敖 廔弮彄剿 廔 怷帤庰帤怷帠弮峟彖帢 弮庢帤廔 庣廔 怷彃 廒徆弮怷峎怷庣 彃 廒彃, 怷廒棒磁彃 庥帢廔 廒﹡棒諺賦 弇帠彖 庥帢廔 廒庣庰庣庥庰巹彄, 廒弮帢峎彖庰庣彖. 廒弇庰 庰 帠廔區 廔裒 怷廔磁 廔弮怷巹怷 帤巹庥帢庣怷 廒彖庣帤巹帤怷庛帢庣 庥弇. 峓enophon Cyrop. II 2, 13 廒彖 弇帠怷庣 怷廒匿磁峎 庣彖帢 弇怷帠怷怷庣怷彃缶誕庰 庰廒區 帤峎庥帢 庰庣彃僇誕帢庣 廒帠庰庣彖 (廒彖庣怷庣). Quint. 3, 1, 12: adfectus (scil. primi tractasse dicuntur) Prodicus, Hippias et idem Protagoras et Thrasymachus. V. Drerup, Die Anf瓣nge der rhetorischen Kunstprosa 226. Platonis Cicero memor est de orat. 1, 12, 53. Ceterum notabis puros numeros: 彃僇 帠庰 弮廔棒 弇帠彖 [metrical scheme] ex quo conicias in 廒弇峟彖 exemplis admodum numerosam fuisse sophistae orationem, cf. infra Ciceronis in Oratore testimonium (52, 175).
7. Lysias 24, 7: 弮廔 怷巹彖彖, 廒庰庣帤峸 帠庰 廒庣彖, 廔 帣怷弇峸, 彃剿帢巹 弮庰 帤庣庥帢巹, 廒怷弇峟庢庰 廒帤巹庥繚 弮庢帤廔 廒 彖庰峟彃 庥帢廔 弮彄僇銜銜諺 廒弮弮峟彖彃 廔彖庣 廒帤怷庰, 庰帣庰怷彖 庥帢廔 廒庛庰彖峟庰怷彖 帠庣帠彖弮庰彖怷彖 廒峟弇庢庛庰 ... (8) 庥帢廔 帠廔區 廒彖 廒怷怷彖 庰廒棒, 廔 帣怷弇峸, 庰廒, 廔庰 弮廔統 廒弇彃 弮怷庣 廒缶 廒 弮怷峎, 庰 弮廔統 帢庣彖怷巹弮庢彖 弇帢弮帣峎彖彖 廔 廒帠庣怷彖 怷彃羊怷, 彖彃缶 帤宎 廒庰庣帤廔 庥帢廔 帠彃帢 庥帢廔 彖怷庣 庥帢廔 廔 怷怷庣 廒彖庰弮庰彖帢 庥帢庥廔 怷帠巹帠彖庰帢巹 弮怷庣, 庰 廒帢庣庰庛庰巹庢彖. 帤怷庥庰彃 帤峟 弮怷庣 彃 庰彖巹帢 彃 廒弮彃 廔 弮峟帠庰庛怷 廔 庥帢峸帠怷怷 廒彖 廒庣帤庰彃徆帢庣 帢峟帢帢 庥弇. 6 廒弮庰彖帢. Egregium 彃僇 廒廔 帠彃帢 庥帢廔 庰彖巹帢彖 廒弇庥怷弮峟彖彖 弇帠彖 exemplum. Anaximenes 34 p. 77, 10 H.: 庰廔怷峸怷弮庰彖 帤廔 廒弇庰庰庣彖廔 怷庣庰彃彖, 廒庰 廒彖 廒庛峟弇弮庰彖, 廒廔匿 彖庰庣帤彃僇樁舒, 廔庣 峎彖庰 廒弇庰怷彃羊庣 怷怷, 怷廔 ... 怷廒棒諺誕帢庣 廒彖帢徆巹怷 庰廒僇諄敖 帤庰彃彖, porro Aristot. rhet. 1386 a 4 sq. (9 帠彃帢 庥帢廔 彖怷庣 庥帢廔 怷彃 廒彖帤庰庣帢). Dinarchus 1, 108 怷廔帤廔 怷庰峟怷彖, 廒廔匿 怷彖彃庰, 怷彃 庢弮怷庛峟彖怷 廒弇峟怷庣 廔棒 庥怷庣彖廔棒 庥帢廔 帤庣庥帢巹帢彖 廔廔紮 彃 弇庰 廒怷弇怷帠巹帢彖 (cf. 1, 111). Thucyd. III 67, Christel in Opusculis philologicis I, Wien 1926, 33 sq. Lysiam vero ex Thrasymacho hausisse cave ne contendas, misericordiae enim movendae usum in iudiciis Atheniensium tritum fuisse loci docent, qualis est Aristoph. Vesp. 550 sq., Platonis Apol. 34 C. Artis exempla finxerat Thrasymachus.
8. Plut. quaest. conv. 616 C. D: 廒怷庰怷 帤宎 廔 怷庣彃僇 廒帢廔裕 廒彖庛宎 廒庣峎怷怷 帤庣庥帢廔棒 庥帢廔 庥庣廔棒 彃僇 怷廔庥 廒庣庰彖彖 怷廔帤廔 庥庣彖怷弮峟彖彖, 巹 廒庣 帣庰弇巹彖 巹彖怷 廒 庰巹彖. 怷廔 帠廔區 庰廒區 廒帠彃僇諄 庥帢庛庰巹庥帢庣彖, 廒弇弇宎 廒廔 帤庰彃彖怷彖 廒用睡諫庣彖. 廒弇弇宎 怷廔帤宎 庰廔庰廔棲 廒 帤庣峎庥庣巹 廒庣 ..., 廒弇弇廔 帤庰彃, 庥帢庛峎庰 廔庛庰庣彖 弮庰弇庰彃僇誕帢 帠庥庣庣庥峸彖, 怷廔磁 廒庣怷峟弇怷 怷 廒 怷廔磁 帢弮峎怷 廔庰帣峎弇弇怷彖帢 廒庰庣彖 怷庰巹怷, 怷廔帤廔統 彃僇 庢巹弮彖 帤庣帢帢弮庰彖怷彖, 廒弇弇廔 廔棒 庥庰彖廔棒 帤徆帢彖 廒庥 彃 廒帠怷彄剿 庥帢廔 彃僇 庛庰峎彖 庰廒區 廔 弮庣帢 弮庰峎帠怷彖帢. 帠庥庣庣彖 a Thrasymacho exercitatam esse e Plutarchi testimonio concluditur, ea vero opposita, quae in Lysiae verbis supra prolatis misericordiae movendae gratia proferuntur, ex comparatione temporum derivari in propatulo est. Item 廒庥 帠庥巹庰 sunt illa 庰廒匿磁帢, quae Andocides 1, 3 et 1, 6 sq. ad iudicum animos movendos profert, quod prooemium universum ex technographo aliquo haustum esse inter omnes constat. Denique in Antiphontis or. 1, 21 sq. inesse 帠庥庣庣彖 misericordiae movendae gratia, quod ad Thrasymachi 廒弇峟怷 bene quadrat, recte monet W. Schmid, Gesch. d gr. Lit. III 1, p. 106, 4. V. etiam E. Schwartz l. l. p. 5.
9. Athenaeus X 416 a: 帢弮帢怷 帤宎 廔 峓帢弇庥庢帤彖庣怷 廒彖 庣彖庣 彃僇 怷怷庣弮巹彖 廔裕 峇庣弮怷庥峟怷彖峎 庢庣彖 廔＋ 弮峟帠帢彖 帣帢庣弇峟帢 廒庣庥弮庰彖怷彖 庥帢廔 徆庰彖庣庤弮庰彖怷彖 帢宎 帢廔彃 怷弇弇廔 廒弮怷庰彃庛帢庣. 庛怷弮峟彖怷 帤廔 怷彃 帣帢庣弇峟, 廔 庣 廒廔 怷彖 廒帠峎庤怷庣怷, 庰廒剿庰 庰彃僇 5 廒彖帢庣庛弮峸怷 帠庥庰庣彖. 庥帢廔 彃 廔庰帢巹彄 怷弇弇怷廔磁 庥帢庛宎 廒彖帢 彖庣庥峸帢 弮庰廔 怷彃羊怷 廒庰庣怷彖弮庢庰. 彖庛帢彖怷弮峟彖怷 帤廔 廔棒 帢庣彖, 廔怷弇庰巹庰庛帢庣 廒庢 怷帢帢, 庰廒 怷巹怷庣 庣, 弇庢帠峎. 6.7 廒怷弇庰巹庰庛帢庣. Aristoph. Vesp. 566 de causam dicentibus apud iudices 怷廒 帤廔 弇峟帠怷庣彖 弮庛怷 廒﹡澄彖, 怷廒 帤宎 廒區怷 庣 帠峟弇怷庣怷彖. Rei confirmandae gratia v. Aesopi fab. 117 (63 Hausrath). Scholion in Platonis Phaedri 260 C. Anonym. Segueri 99, p. 369, 21 H. 怷庣庰彃 庰 廒﹡棒諺賦蓬彖 廒彖巹怷庰 庥帢廔 廒帢庣怷弇怷帠巹帢 帢帢弇庢庛庰彃帢 庰廔庥帢巹, 廔＋ 帢宎 廔庰巹帤彃 廔 彃 庢怷彃羊 弮彃缶裕諫. Igitur talia ad 庥帢庣怷彃 artem pertinent.
10. Di怷nysius Hal. de Isaeo p. 122, 21 sq. U. R. Thrasymachum unum 彃僇 怷廔磁 廒庥庣帣庰彃 怷帢庣怷弮峟彖彖 弇帠怷 庥帢廔 廔裒 廔棒 廒彖帢帠彖庣怷彖 廒庥怷彖彖 彃用煙o庣庥峸彖 fuisse iudicat, idem de eodem, de Lys. p. 13, 23: 弮庰廔 帢帢 廒庰廔棒 庰廔巹庥 帢廔 巹彄 峎彖 5 庛帢弮帢峸彖, 廒彷 庰帢怷 弮峟彖 庢庣彖 廒徆帢庣 帢弮帢怷彖 (. 弇. fr. III), 廒帠廔 帤宎 廒﹡割蹄縝弮帢庣 巹帢彖. - (14, 9) 巹 帤宎 廒庣彖, 廒用 庢弮庣 廒庰峸彖; 廒 峟怷帢 廔 彖怷峸弮帢帢 庥帢廔 怷帠帠弇 廒庥峟怷帢 弇峟徆庣, 怷廒匿睡舒翁 峎彖 庥帢廔 廒彖帢帠庥帢巹帢 怷彃 帤庣庥帢彖庣庥怷彃 弇帠怷庣 庥帢廔 帢彖廔 廒弇庢庛庰彃 廒帠彃僇諄. 帢庢彖 廔弇巹帠怷庣 弮廔統 廒弮庣弮峸帢彖怷, 庢弮怷庛峟彖庢 帤廔 庥帢廔 10 廔庰庰帣峎弇庰怷. Idem de Isaeo p. 123, 10: 帢弮帢怷 帤廔 庥帢庛帢廔裒 弮廔統 庥帢廔 弇庰廔裒 庥帢廔 帤庰庣彖廔裒 庰廔庰彃彖 庰 庥帢廔 庰廒區庰彃彖 怷帠帠弇 庥帢廔 庰庣彃剿, 廔 帣怷弇庰帢庣, 彄剿 帤峟 廒庣彖 廒彖 怷彃 庰彖怷帠帢庣庥怷彃 庥帢廔 廒庣帤庰庣庥庣庥怷彃, 帤庣庥帢彖庣庥怷廔磁 帤廔 廒 弮帣怷弇庰庣庥怷廔磁 怷廔庥 廒怷弇峟弇怷庣庰 弇帠怷 (廒 弮帣怷弇庰庣庥怷廔磁 del. E. Schwartz). Idem de Demosth. 15 p. 132, 3: 巹庢 弇峟徆庰 <廒匿棒倀> 廒缶 廒 弮庣庥峸 庰 庥帢廔 彖庛庰怷 廒庥 怷彖 彃僇 帤庰彃彖 (廒區彖彃 庥帢廔 庰庣彃), 廒彖 廔 弮廔統 彃剿怷 廒弮怷峎弮庰彖怷 庥帢廔 庥帢帢峸帢 庰廒區 廔裕 彖彃缶 廔峎怷彖帢 庥弮怷彖 庰廒棲庰 帢弮帢怷 廔 帢弇庢帤彖庣怷 廒缶, 廔＋ 怷廒棒舜帢庣 庰帢怷 (fr. IV), 庰廒棲庰 廒弇弇怷 庣, 怷廔庥 廒 弇峟帠庰庣彖. - (132, 13) 廒 弮廔統 怷廔彖 帢弮峎怷 20 弇峟徆庣, 廒 帤廔 庢帠峸 庣 廒缶 廔彖 彃 弮庰庢怷, 帢廔廔棒 廔棒 怷帢巹庰庣彖 廒怷庣庥庰彖 廒庰庣彖 怷帤彃 廒徆巹帢彖. 庥峟庥帢帢庣 帠廔區 庰廔 庥帢廔 帢廔廔 廔 峸庣弮怷彖 庰廒棒銜煙庰彖 廒庥帢峟帢. 帤彖峎弮庰庣 帤宎 廔＋ 怷廔庥 廒棲彃 <彃> 帣怷弇峸庰庣 庥峟庢帢庣, 帢峎帤庰庣帠弮帢 廒徆 廒彖廔裒 彃僇 帤庢弮庢帠怷庣庥彃僇 弇帠彖 帤庰: 廒帣怷弇弮庢彖 弮峟彖, 廔 廒庛庢彖帢彃怷庣, 弮庰帢庰彃彖 廒庥庰巹彖怷 怷彃 彖怷 怷彃 帢弇帢庣怷彃 25 庥帢廔 彃僇 帢帠弮峎彖, 廒﹡諄翁睡 庣彄僇 廒峟庢 怷彃 彖庰峟怷庣, 彃僇 庰 帢帠弮峎彖 o廔庥 廒彖帢帠庥帢庤彖彖 廒帠怷庰庰庣彖 庥帢廔 彃僇 庰帣峟彖 廔庛彃剿 廔棒 弇庣彖 廒庣怷庰彖彖. 廒庰庣帤廔 帤宎 庰廒區 怷庣怷彃羊怷彖 廒﹡澄噤 廒彖峟庛庰怷 彖怷彖 廔 帤帢巹弮彖, 廔甩庰 ... 彃 弇庰 廒庥怷庰庣彖, 廔區 帤廔 弮怷廔區 <... 廔彄僇> 帢廔怷, 庥帢廔 怷彖 廔 弮峟帠庣帢 弮廔 庛庰彃僇 廒帠帢 30 庰廒僇諄敖 弮庢帤廔 彃 庢 廒弇弇廔 彃僇 廒庣弮庰弇庢庛峟彖彖, 廒彖峎帠庥庢 {帤廔瓠 弇峟帠庰庣彖. 廒 帠廔區 廒彖帢巹庛庢怷 廒 庥帢庰帢 廒庣彖, 廔庣 廒徆帢弮帢峎彖庰庣彖 廒帢廔裕 廒庣 帢峟徆庰庣 怷彃 帣怷弇怷弮峟彖怷庣 庥帢廔 彃 廒峟彖 廒庣帣怷弇彃 庰 庥帢廔 庥帢庥巹帢 帢廔廔裒 廔怷峸庰庣 廔區 帢廒區巹帢. 廒弇庣 帠廔區 廒﹡澄彖 廔 帢庰弇庛廔樁 彖怷 庥帢廔 廒彖廔 弮廔統 庰廒區峸彖庢 廒彖 怷弇峟弮彃 帠庰彖峟庛帢庣 庥帢廔 庥庣彖帤彖彃, 庰廒區 20 廒 弇怷庣峸 庣 廒缶 22 帤彖峎弮庰 廔＋ 帤廔 怷廔庥 28 desideratur fere 廔 弮廔統 庰廔峸弮帢帢 34 彖怷 庥帢<庥彃僇 廒庛庢庥庰彖, 怷廒剿 庰庣峟庢> 廒彖廔 H. Weil 帤庣廔 庥庣彖帤彖彖: cf. Rh. M. 50, 477 彖帤庰 廔裕 彖怷彖 廔棒 弮廔統 帢庰弇庛怷彃羊帢彖 廒﹡樁倔帢彖 廒帠帢彃剿庣, 廔棒 帤宎 廒庣怷彃羊帢彖 帤庰帤庣庣彖, 廒彖廔 帤宎 廔弮怷彖怷巹帢 庰廒區 廒庛帢彖 庥帢廔 帢帢廔區 廔裒 廒弇弇峸弇怷 廒庣庥峟庛帢庣. 庥帢廔 怷廔磁 弮廔統 廒弇弇怷 廔 弇彃庛怷 彃僇 廒帠帢庛彃僇 廔帣巹庤庰庣彖 庰 怷庣庰彃 庥帢廔 帢庣峎庤庰庣彖, 廒﹡樁菲 帤廔 弮庰廔 弮廔統 彃僇 5 廒帠帢庛彃僇 廒怷彖怷彃缶樁舒, 廒彖 帤廔 怷彃 庥帢庥怷彃 廒弮峎彖庢弮庰彖, 廒 怷廔磁 廒弇弇怷 怷彖巹庤庰庣彖 庰廒棲庛庰彖. 巹 帤彃帢 弮峟弇弇怷庣 庣 廒彖 帠庣帠彖庥庰庣彖 {庰廒區庰彃彖}, 廔彃 帠庰 <弇庰巹庰帢庣 廔> 弇庰彃庛帢庣 廒廔 怷彃 帢怷彃羊庣 庥帢廔 彖怷弮巹庤庰庣彖 廒庰庣彖 庣 怷庣怷彃羊怷彖, 廔＋ 弮庢帤廔統 廒庣 怷庣怷彃羊怷彖 廒帢庣; 彃剿怷彖 弮廔統 怷廔彖 怷廔磁 帤庣帢庰怷弮峟彖怷 廔裒 廒弇弇峸弇怷 庥帢廔 彃僇 彃用煙彖 庥帢廔 彃僇 廒弇弇彖 10 廒怷帤庰巹徆 帠庰 帢廔 弇帠怷彖 庰怷彖庛帢 廔裒 廒弇弇峸弇怷, 廔庰 廒彖峎帠庥庢 怷廔磁 廒彖庰 帠彖弮庢 庣弇怷彖庣庥怷彃缶誕帢 峎庰庣彖繚 怷廒區弮庰彖怷庣 帠廔區 廒彖帢彖巹帢 弇峟帠庰庣彖 廒弇弇峸弇怷庣 o廔庥 帢廒區庛峎彖怷彖帢庣 廔 帢廔廔 峎怷彖庰 怷廔帤廔 廔裕 彃僇 廒峟彖 弇帠怷彖 廒彖 彃 庰峟彃 弇帠彃 廒彖彖帢. 庥峟帢庛庰 帠廔區 廒徆 廒彃, 廒 庤庢怷彃羊庣彖 廒庥峎庰怷庣. 彃剿怷彖 弮廔統 廒 峎庣怷 怷弇庣庰巹帢 帢帢廔棒 15 帢廔怷彃 帢峟庰庣, 彃丟噹庢 帠彖庛彃彖帢庣 庥帢廔 庥怷庣彖怷峎庢 怷彃 怷弇巹帢庣 怷廔帢 彄剿庣彖. 廔帢 弮廔統 怷廔彖 廒峟庥庰庣彖帢 彃 廒﹡樁舜峟帢 帠彖弮庢 廒巹彖, 廒庥怷廔棒 廒彖峎帠庥庢 弇峟帠庰庣彖 彃僇 帢弇帢庣怷峟彖, 廔帢 帤宎 帢廔怷廔 廒庰彃帤怷彖 怷廒 庰帣庰怷庣, 帢彃羊帢 帤廔 帢廔 彃僇 庰廒匿棲彖 彖庛峎彖庰庛帢庣.宎 6 帠庣帠彖庥彖 庰廒區庰彃彖 Blass 10 帠庰 怷弇峟帠彖 庰怷彖庛庰 13 廒彖 彃 廒峟彃 16 怷廔彖 廒庥庰巹彖彖 16.17 廒庥怷庰庣彖 廒彖峎帠庥庢: corrigenda ex Platonis verbis Phaedr. 274 C 廒庥怷峸彖 帠宎 廒 弇峟帠庰庣彖 彃僇 怷峟彖. Exemplum 帠怷 commune ideo, quod paene ad unamquamque rei publicae occasionem adcommodari potest. Volgare antitheseon genus inter iuniores et seniores, fortunas secundas et adversas, tempora praeterita et praesentia, mores aliorum et ipsorum, communis rhetorum vituperatio, rei publlcae laus. Cf. ppenheimer, RE. VI A 1, 586 sq. Attamen Thrasymachi verba ex prooemiis verae orationis sumpta esse (qualia sunt Demosthenis pr. 21. 23. 25. 53), idcirco adfirmari non potest, quia 帠怷 alterum genus est epideicticorum, quo e genere sophistae alicuius in musicos invectiva ex parte servata primum in Hibeh Pap. I (1906) p. 45 n. 13, deinde saepius edita est.
11. Aristot. rhet. 1404 a 12: 廒庥庰巹彖庢 弮廔統 怷廔彖 廔帢彖 廒弇庛庢 (sc. 廒 弇峟徆庣), 帢廔廔 怷庣峸庰庣 彃 廔怷庥庣庣庥彃, 廒帠庥庰庰庣峸庥帢庣彖 帤廔 廒宎 廔弇巹帠怷彖 庰廔 帢廔彃 庰廒區庰彃彖 庣彖庰, 怷廒煎諺 帢弮帢怷 廒彖 怷彃 廒弇峟怷庣. Ceterum Aristoteles minus perspicue loquitur; cum autem incipiat 廒庥庰巹彖庢 弮廔統 怷廔彖 廔帢彖 廒弇庛彃, Spengel 廒庥庰巹彖庢 ad 廔庥庣庣彖 彃用煙怷庣庥峸彖 rettulit, quod vel ideo falsum est, quia A. paulo antea statuerat, de actione rhetorica nondum esse scriptum. neque pergere poterat A. 帢廔廔 怷庣峸庰庣 彃 廔怷庥庣庣庥彃 non addens 廔棒 彃 帢帠彃割棒翁救 intellegi actionem. At idem antea 庰廔 彃 弇峟徆庰 locutus erat (l. 8).
12. Aristot. rhet. 1409 a 2: 弇庰巹庰帢庣 帤廔 帢庣峎彖, 彄 廒彃僇誕怷 弮廔統 廒廔 帢弮峎怷 廒徆峎弮庰彖怷庣, 怷廔庥 庰廒剿怷彖 帤廔 弇峟帠庰庣彖 巹 廒缶.
13. Quint. inst. 9, 4, 87: licet igitur paeana sequatur Ephorus, inventum a Thrasymach怷, probatum ab Aristotele.
14. Cic. orat. 12, 39 de figuris Gorgianis: haec tractasse Thrasymachum Calchedonium primum et Leontinum ferunt Gorgiam. Thrasymachum Gorgiamque 彃僇 帢巹彖 causa iungit etiam Athanasius in Hermogenem Prol. Syll. p. 180, 9 sq. R.
15. Cic. orat. 52, 175 (de numero oratori怷): neminem in eo genere scientius versatum Isocrate confitendum est, sed princeps inveniendi fuit Thrasymachus, cuius omnia nimis etiam exstant scripta numerose. Ciceronem laudat Rufinus rhetor p. 581, 15 H.
16. Cic. orat. 13, 40: nam cum concisus ei (Isocrati) Thrasymachus minutis numeris videretur et Gorgias, qui tamen primi traduntur arte quadam verba vinxisse
17. Sud. s. v. .: 彃剿怷 庰巹怷帤怷彖 庥帢廔 庥彃僇銜諺 庥帢峟帤庰庣徆庰 庥帢廔 彖彃缶 彃 彃用煙怷庣庥彃 怷彖 庰廒區庢帠峸帢怷. Vide inter alla Philologi 65, 149 sq.
18. Aristoph. 帢庣帢弇彃 fr. XVI Mein. (ex Galen怷), (pater et filius improbus certant): - 廒 弮廔棒 廒棲 廔 庥帢帢弇庣帠峸彃 彃 彖彃. - 廔 庥帢帢弇庣帠峸彃 怷彃羊怷 帢廔 彃僇 彃用煙彖. - 廒怷帣峸庰帢巹 怷庣 帢彃羊帢 怷彃 廔 彃用晌樁救帢; - 帢宎 廒弇庥庣帣庣峎帤怷 怷彃羊怷 廒怷帣峸庰帢庣. - 巹 帤宎 廔怷庰庥弮帢巹彃 庥帢廔 庥帢庥彃剿 廒彖帤帢 弇峟帠庰庣 庥帢弇怷庥廒帠帢庛巹帢彖 廒庥怷彃缶誕帢; - 怷廒棒暱 廔 帢弮帢庰, 巹 怷彃羊怷 彃僇 徆彖庢帠彖 庰庛庰庰帢庣; Thrasymachum Calchedonium sophistam intellegi coniecerat Suevern, quam interpretationem nullo modo ferri posse Meineke enuntiavit, ipse de filii improbi patrem compellantis nomine cogitat, Fritzsche autem de filio altero probo adstante.
19. Quint. inst. 3, 3, 4: nec audiendi quidam, quorum est Albutius, qui tris modo primas esse partis volunt, quia memoria atque actio natura, non arte contingent licet Thrasymachus quoque idem de actione crediderit. Cf. Aristot. rhet. 1404 a 15: 庥帢廔 廒庣彖 庰 廔 廔怷庥庣庣庥廔裕 庰廒僇諄敖 庥帢廔 廒庰彖庰怷彖.
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IX. Thrasymachus
1. Suda s.v. Thrasymachus: a sophist from Chalcedon, the one in Bithynia [因. He was a pupil of the philosopher Plato and the rhetorician Isocrates. He wrote On Advice, A Manual of Rhetoric, Plays, and Rhetorical Starters. Cf. Aristot. Soph. el. 33, 183 b 29 (above A V 6): It has been improved by Tisias after the very first, by Thrasymachus after Tisias. On the contents of the individual books see Schwartz p. 4 f., Navarre 155, Maas, Hermae 22, 575 f. (Pl繹bst 17 n. 2).
2. Scholion on Aristophanes, Birds 880: The same things that Theopompus says (about the Athenians begging for mercy on behalf of the Chians) Thrasymachus writes, too, in his Great Treatise. Plato too seems to bear witness to the art in Phaedrus 261C, 266 C-D.
3. Plato, Phaedrus 271a: It is clear, then, that Thrasymachus and all the others who seriously attempt to compose a treatise on rhetoric will first of all write with absolute precision and make the soul see. 4. Plato, Phaedrus 269d: If you happen to have a gift for rhetoric, you will be one of the illustrious orators, provided you add to your talent specific knowledge and practice; should you be deficient in any of these things, you will be unaccomplished in that respect. To the extent that it is a science, however, I do not think you will get there through the path that Lysias and Thrasymachus go. Dionysius Hal. ad Amm. I p. 259.1 f. reports that Thrasymachus came up with things to be taken seriously before Aristotles rhetorical precepts. 5. Philodemus, On Rhetoric 1.86.11: [Praising what Metrodorus says in the first book of On Poems:] And many others were able to speak in front of the people about what was advantageous for them, and such men, without having ever in the least studied Thrasymachus treatise or those of others like him, knew as leaders which course of action was appropriate in each case. He also shows by way of example that, on the contrary, Thrasymachus and many others who were thought to possess similar expertise regarding political or rhetorical speeches got done none of the things of which they claimed to be experts once they were lawgivers. The reconstruction of this fragmentary text is often uncertain, see Sudhaus, Philodemi Supplementum p. 43.
6. Plato, Phaedrus 267 C-D: For tearful speeches, to arouse pity for old age and poverty, I think the precepts of the mighty Chalcedonian hold the palm, and he is also a genius, as he said, at rousing large companies to wrath, and soothing them again by his charms when they are angry, and most powerful in devising and abolishing calumnies on any grounds whatsoever. But all seem to be in agreement concerning the conclusion of discourses, which some call recapitulation, while others give it some other name. He touches on pity-inducing speeches and calls them pity-mongering in Phaedrus 272 A. Hermias ad loc. (p. 239, p. 192 Ast, r. Att. fr. p. 164 Sauppe) adds nothing to the explanation. Cf. Aristot. Rhet. 1354a14: Those who compose treatises on rhetoric say nothing about enthymemes, which are the body of persuasion, while spending most of their time on what lies outside of the merit of the issue. For slander, pity, anger and all such feelings are not about the merit but are aimed at the judge. Aristotle also relates to Thrasymachus in 1356 a15, as does, perhaps, Thucydides when he portrays Cleon as saying the following (3.40.2): I try to make sure first back then and then now that you people do not walk back on your earlier decisions and make mistakes due to the three causes most contrary to the interests of power: commiseration, pleasant words and fair-mindedness. For it is just to repay your equals with pity色 峓enophon Cyrop. 2.2.13: Some try to make the audience cry by inserting into their speeches some sob stories. Quint. 3.1.12: The first to deal with the affects are allegedly Prodicus, Hippias, Protagoras and Thrasymachus. See Drerup, Die Anf瓣nge der rhetorischen Kunstprosa 226. Cicero, On the Orator 1.12.53 remembers Plato. Notice also the pure meter: from which one can surmise that in the examples of pity the speech of the sophist was exceedingly metrical, cf. below Ciceros testimony (Orator 52.175).
7. Lysias 24.6-9: Do not, therefore, gentlemen, when you can save me justly, ruin me unjustly; what you granted me when I was younger and stronger, do not take from me when I am growing older and weaker; [因 And indeed, how extraordinary the case would be, gentlemen! When my misfortune was but simple, I am found to have been receiving this pension; but now, when old age, diseases, and the ills that attend on them are added to my trouble, I am to be deprived of it! The depth of my poverty, I believe, can be revealed more clearly by my accuser than by anyone else on earth. An outstanding example of tearful speeches, to arouse pity for old age and poverty. Anaximenes 34 p. 77, 10 H.: We shall have plenty of material to arouse pity in whatever circumstances we may want to, provided we are aware that everyone pities those he [因 thinks do not deserve their misfortune, further Aristot. Rhet. 1386a4 f. (9: old age, illnesses and lack of food). Dinarchus 1.108: Not should you people, if you are reasonable, leave the common and just defense speech on behalf of the city to Demosthenes enticements of pity (cf. 1.111). Thucyd. 3.67, Christel in Opusculis philologicis I, Vienna 1926, 33 f. You should however not maintain that Lysias drew on Thrasymachus, for the habit of arousing pity was common in Athenian trials, as shown by passages such as Aristoph. Wasps 550 f., Plato Apol. 34C. Thrasymachus had made up examples for the sake of the art. 8. Plutarch, Table-Talk 616C-D: It is exceedingly strange for somebody to make themselves judge instead of banqueter and evaluate people who and not asking for it and are not litigating over who is better or worse than whom. For they have not come to a competition but to a banquet. And the judgement is a tough one too [因 But now that I am engaged in this evaluative exercise, I must keep handy Aristotles Topics and Thrasymachuss Overpowering arguments. I am not doing anything useful but just transferring empty opinions from the market place to banquets. That the comparison was exercised by Thrasymachus is to be gathered from the Plutarch passage; as for the opposites proffered in Lysias words that are reported above, it is clear that they are derived from a comparison of times. From a comparison likewise stem those likelihoods that Andocides 1.3 and 1.6 f. cites in order to stir the emotions of the judges, a proem that all agree was lifted in its entirety from some treatise writer. Finally, as W. Schmid, Gesch. d gr. Lit. III 1, p. 106, 4 correctly points out, such a comparison is present in Antiphon 1.21 f. as a means to arouse pity, which fits well with Thrasymachus pity-inductions. See also E. Schwartz ibid. p. 5.
9. Athenaeus 10, 416A: Thrasymachus of Chalcedon writes in one of his proems that when Timocreon once came to the Persian king and was treated like a guest by him, he was carrying a great deal of weapons; ad when the king asked what he did with those, he answered that he would kill countless Persians. The next day he defeated many of them together and then started shadow-fighting. As the king asked why he did this, he answered that there were as many hits left for anyone who should still approach him.
Aristoph. Wasps 566, about those who argue their case in front of a court: Some tell us stories, others some joke from Aesop. To find confirmation of this, see Aesopus fable 117 (63 Hausrath); scholium on Plato Phaedrus 260 C; Anonym. Segueri 99, p. 369, 21 H.: Sometimes it gives the listener pleasure when an old tale is used at the right time, like the Leto myth in Hyperides. Thus, such things belong to the art of kairos. 10. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, (a) On Isaeus 122.21f.: Thrasymachus was one of those who made it their business to write precise speeches and practice rhetoric for litigation. (b) On Lysias: After these I discover excellence in Lysias, which Theophrastus says was begun by Thrasymachus, in my opinion, however, actually by Lysias. [因 What is this excellence I am talking about? The phrasing that collects the thoughts and expresses them in a well-rounded manner, particular to and necessary for forensic speeches and any real competition. Few have attained it; Demosthenes however was superlative in it. (c) On Isaeus: Thrasymachus is clean and subtle and very good at finding the subject-matter he wants to address and expressing it roundly and abundantly; however, his activity is limited to theoretical manuals and declamatory rhetoric, whereas he has not left behind any forensic or deliberative speeches. (d) On Demosthenes: The third form of speaking is the one consisting in a mix of these two (the lean one and the pompous one). Whether the first to give it shape and put in into the present order was either Thrasymachus of Calchedon, as Theophrastus thinks, or somebody else, I cannot say. [因 Thrasymachus way of speaking, which was really a major source of the middle range, seems to be worthwhile down to its very intention. For it is well mixed and draws on what is useful in either of the others. That the force it uses is not equal to its will is shown by the following example taken from one of his deliberative speeches: I would like, Athenians, to be a part of that ancient time and those political circumstances when young people need not say anything, since the situation did not compel them to speak and the older citizens governed the city correctly. Now, however, that the gods have led us into such a time that [text corrupt] we see the disasters ourselves, and the greatest of these affairs are not the works of the gods or of destiny but of whoever happens to take care of them, it is necessary for me to speak. For it must be either an insensitive or an incredibly strong person who will still open himself up to suffering injustice at the hands of whoever so wishes and himself bear the guilt for other peoples schemes and wickedness. The time past has caused us to get into war and peril instead of peace, so that up to the present we have been happy for every day that would pass by and wary of the coming one, and into enmity and upheaval against one another instead of unity. And while a great deal of prosperity makes others become arrogant and start civil strife, we were wise when we had it good and got crazy when it went bad, which tends to make others become wise. How could anyone know, when he is left with sorrow about the present and the opinion that he has such a thing, that there will not be such a thing again? First of all I shall show that those among the politicians and the rest of the people who are in conflict with each other have unreasonable feelings about one another, which is bound to happen to those who are rivals without reason: while they believe they are saying opposite things they fail to see that they are doing the same things and that the others speech is contained in their own. Just look from the start what both are chasing after. First the constitution handed down by our forefathers is confounding them, although it is the easiest to know about and most common to the citizens. Whatever lays beyond our ken must be heard from the past generations, but what the older citizens saw themselves we must learn from those who know.
This is a common instance of blame on the grounds that it can be accommodated to almost any occasion in political life. It is a commonplace kind of antithesis, between the young and the old, good and bad fortune, past and present times, the customs of others and ones own, the common vituperation of orators and praise of the state. Cf. ppenheimer, RE VI A 1, 586 f. Yet one cannot claim that Thrasymachus words are taken from the proems of an actual speech (as are those of Demosthenes 21, 23, 25, 53), since blame is one of the two genres of epideictic speeches, a genre from which comes the invective of some sophist against musicians that is partially conserved, to start with, in Pap. Hibeh 1 (1906) p. 45 n. 13 and has then been published several times. 11. Aristotle, Rhetoric 3.1.7 1404a12: Now, when (style) comes into fashion, it will have the same effect as acting. Some writers have attempted to say a few words about it, as Thrasymachus, in his Eleoi. Aristotle is not expressing himself clearly; however, it is wrong to refer, as Spengel does, the clause when comes into fashion to rhetorical delivery since Aristotle says not long before that nothing has yet been written about the latter; nor could he in this case continue the sentence as will have the same effect as delivery without specifying that he means the acting of tragedy. And he has also just talked about phrasing (l. 8).
12. Aristotle, Rhetoric 3.8.4 1409a2: There remains the Paean, used by rhetoricians from the time of Thrasymachus, although they could not define it.
13. Quintilian, 9.4.87: Ephorus follows the Paean, which was invented by Thrasymachus and approved by Aristotle.
14. Cicero, Orator 12.39 (on Gorgias figures of speech): They say the first orators to deal with them were Thrasymachus of Chalcedon and Gorgias of Leontinoi. Athanasius on Hermogenes Prol. Syll. p. 180, 9 f. R., too, names Gorgias and Thrasymachus together on account of the same-length clauses.
15. Cicero, Orator 52.175 (on metre in oratory): One must admit that nobody surpasses Isocrates expertise in that field; the first to come up with it, however, was Thrasymachus, all of whose extant writings are metrical to a fault. Cicero is cited by the rhetorician Rufinus p. 581, 15 H.
16. Cicero, Orator 13.40: Thrasymachus was judged by Isocrates to be too concise due to his small metric units, and so was Gorgias, although they are reported to have been the first to put the art of speaking on a theoretical basis.
17. Suda s.v. Thrasymachus: He was the first to define a period and a clause and introduced the present form of rhetoric. See, among other things, Philologus 65, 149 f.
18. Aristophanes, Daitaleis frag. 16 Mein. (from Galen; a father arguing with his dishonest son): You will be crushed sooner or later. This word crushed comes from the orators. And where will the words youre speaking end up? End up comes from Alcibiades. Why do you keep second-guessing things and talk bad of people who practice being good? Woe is me, Thrasymachus, which one of the public speakers uses such subtleties?
Sueveren surmised that this passage refers to the sophist Thrasymachus of Chalcedon; Meineke claims that this interpretation is untenable, while he himself thinks it is the name of the dishonest son who harasses his father; Fritzsche, on the other hand, thinks it refers to another son, the honest one, who is present.
19. Quintilian 3.3.4: We need not even listen to some, Albutius among them, who claim that there are only three primary parts on the grounds that memory and delivery come from nature and not nurture [因, even though Thrasymachus too believed the same thing about delivery. Cf. Aristoteles Rhetoric 1404 a15: Delivery comes from nature, and is somewhat lacking in techne. |