間眅埶AV

II. CORAX AND TISIAS

(Vide A V 1 sq.)

 

            1. Himerius or. 26 p. 2 cod., p. 97a, 36 D.: 廒弮廔 峇庣巹帢彖 庥帢廔 帢庥帢, 怷廒 (怷廒 cod.) 庥帢廔 怷帠巹帢彖 庥帢廔 帢帠帢彖 廒彖庛峸帢彖庰

            Verba lacera, sensus obscurus.

 

            2. Paus. 6.17.8: 庥帢巹怷庣 廒弇弇帢 庰 峇庣巹帢 廒 弇帠怷 廒庢彖峟帠庥帢怷 庥帢廔 庣庛帢彖帢帢 彃僇 庥帢庛宎 帢廔廔裕 帠彖帢庣庥廔 峉帢庥怷巹彄 庢弮峎彖 廒帠帢庰彖 廒弮庣帣峸庢庣彖.

 

            3. [Plut.] Vitae X 怷r. 835C-D de Lysia: 廒庰廔 帤庰 廔棒 庰廒區 峉帣帢庣彖 廒怷庣庥巹帢彖 廔棒 廔庰怷彖 怷巹怷 弮庰怷彖怷弮帢庛庰彃帢彖 廒庰弇弇庰彖 廒 弇庣, 彄反庰o 廔+ 庥怷庣彖彖峸彖 怷彃 庥弇峸怷, 廒庢 帠庰帠怷彖廔樞 庰彖庰庥帢巹帤庰庥帢, 廒廔 帢徆庣峟弇怷 廒怷彖怷 (444/3), 庥廒庥庰彃 帤庣峟弮庰庣彖庰 帢庣帤庰弮庰彖怷 帢廔 峇庣巹彄 庥帢廔 庣庥巹彄 怷彃 峉帢庥怷巹怷庣.

 

Ex Pseudoplutarcho hausit Phot. Bihl 489 B. Indidem Suda: 巹帢 庰峎弇怷 峉帢庥怷庣怷, 彃用晅, 弮帢庛庢廔棲 峇庣巹怷 庥帢廔 庣庥巹怷.

 

            4. Dionys. de Isocrate p. 535 R (I 54, 10 U. R.): 帠庰彖弮庰彖怷 帤宎 廒庥怷廔棲 怷帤巹庥怷 庰 怷彃 庰巹怷 庥帢廔 怷帠巹怷 怷彃 庰怷彖巹彖怷 庥帢廔 峇庣巹怷 怷彃 峉帢庥怷巹怷 彃僇 庰 弮峟帠庣怷彖 廔彖怷弮帢 廒彖 怷彃 廒弇弇庢庣彖 廒彖彖 廒廔 怷巹彄

 

            5. [Plut.] Vitae X 怷r. 836 F de Isocrate: 廒庥怷弮庰彖怷 怷帤巹庥怷 庰 怷彃 庰巹怷 庥帢廔 怷帠巹怷 怷彃 庰怷彖巹彖怷 庥帢廔 峇庣巹怷 怷彃 峉帢庥怷巹怷 庥帢廔 庢帢弮峟彖怷 怷彃 彃用晅怷怷. Sud. s. v. Isocrates: 帤庣帤峎庥帢弇怷 帤峟 怷帠巹帢, 怷廒 帤廔 峇庣巹帢彖 帢巹彖, 怷廒 帤廔 廒帠彃彖怷彖, 怷廒 帤廔 帤庣庥怷彖 廒帢帢彖, 怷廒 帤廔 庢帢弮峟彖庢彖.

 

            6. Cic. de orat. 3.21 (81): quare Coracem istum vestrum patiamur nos quidem pullos suos excludere (i. e. ausbr羹ten) in nido, qui evolent clamatores odiosi ac molesti.

            Ad proverbium 庥帢庥怷彃 庥帢庥怷 庥帢庥廔裕 彄彖 adludere Ciceronem Spengelius coniecit Art. Scr. p. 27. Inde non sequitur de Coracis et Tisiae lite fabellam iam Ciceroni fuisse notam (弇峟帠怷庣 帤峟 庣彖庰, 廔庣 怷廔彃庰彖 帢廔庢 廒 帢怷庣弮巹帢 Prol. in Hermogenis 庰廔 峎庰彖 W IV p. 14 = Prol. Syll. p. 272, 27 R.). Zenobius autem Paroem. Gr. I p. 107 L. Schn., idem narrans de lite fabellam: 廔棒 帢怷庣弮巹帢彖 帢庢彖 怷廒 弮廔統 廒廔 怷彃 庢彖怷彃 庤彄怷 帢廔僇 庰廒區彃庛帢庣, 廔庣 怷廔庰 帢廔廔裒 帣 廒庣彖 怷廔庰 廔 彄彖, 廔 廒庰庣, 怷廒 帤廔 庥弇. Certe 廒 庰廔 帢庥怷 庰怷弮峟彖庢 帢廔 怷彃 怷弇弇怷彃 廒救怷巹帢, ut ait Sextus Emp. adv. math. II 96, dudum nota fuit.

 

            7. Anaximenes artis rhet. (in epistula falsarii, quae praemissa est operi) p. 12, 7H.: 庰庣庰徆彃 帤廔 帤廔 怷怷庣 帣庣帣弇巹怷庣, 廔形 廔 弮峟彖 廒庣彖 廒弮廔裕 廒彖 帢彃 廔宎 廒弮怷彃 峟彖帢庣 庰o帤峟庥彃 帠帢庰巹帢庣, 廔 帤廔 廒庰怷彖 帢庥怷.

 

            8. Prol. in Hermogenem W VII 6 = P. S. p. 189, 13 et Maximi Planudis Prol. W V 215 = P. S. p. 67, 3 R.: 廔圖帢徆 怷廔彖 庣, 彖庰廔裒 廒彖廔棲 庥帢廔 彃庛帢庣 峎帠弮帢庣彖 廒敖睡敖誕 彖峟庛庢庥庰 峟彖庢彖 庰廔 怷怷庣弮巹彖 庥帢廔 帤庣庢帠峸庰彖 庥帢廔 廒帠彖彖 庥帢廔 廒庣弇帠茯彖 (帤庣宎 廔形 廔裕 帤彃弮怷彖 廒庰庣庛庰彖 add. Planudes).

            Apud reliquos prolegomenon auctores Coracem scripsisse aliquid non fertur.

 

            9. Excerpta C怷rporis P., P. S. p. 60, 3 R.: 庰廒剿帢 帢徆 庥帢廔 峇庣巹帢 廔 弮帢庛庢廔棲 帢廔怷彃, 庰廒剿帢 怷帠巹帢 廔 庰怷彖彃彖怷 庰廒區 廒庛峸彖帢 (i. e. Athenis) 庥帢廔 廒裒怷庥峎庢 廒帠帢帢彖 峟彖帢.

 

            10. Cic. Brut. 12.46: itaque ait Aristoteles artem et praecepta Siculos Coracem et Tisiam conscripsisse.

 

            11. Cic. inv. 2.2,.6: ac veteres quidem scriptores artis usque a principe illo atque inventore Tisia repetitos unum in locum conduxit Aristoteles.

            Cf. de orat. 1. 20. 91: a Corace nescio quo (sic) et Tisia, quos artis illius inventores et principes fuisse constaret. V. etiam Aristotelis rhet. 1409 a 17 (ubi Corax) et Top. 183 b 31 (ubi Tisias). L. Victorinus ad Ciceronis l. l. (Rhet. Lat. min. 258. 37 H.): Corax et Tisias artes primi oratorias apud Graecos scripsisse dicuntur.

 

            12. Quint. inst. 3.1.8: artium autem scriptores antiquissimi Corax et Tisias Siculi.

Conferas, quaeso, historiolam a Martiano Capella p. 140.17 sq. E. relatam (V 432). Artem a Corace inventam, a Tisia scriptam esse recte iam Susemihl putavit. Unde Plato, more suo rem tangens magis quam significans Phaedri 273 C: 帤庰庣彖彃剿 帠宎 廒怷庣庥庰彖 廒怷庥庰庥弮弮峟彖庢彖 峟彖庢彖 廒彖庰庰彃彖 廔 峇庰庣巹帢 廒 廒弇弇怷 廔庣 帤峸 怷宎 廔卅 帠峎彖庰庣 庥帢廔 廔庛庰彖 帢巹庰庣 廔彖怷弮帢庤弮庰彖怷. Ubi Hermias in commentario: 怷彃羊怷 庰廒剿庰彖 廒棲 帤庣廔 廔裕 帢庥帢, 廒庰庣帤廔 廒弇峟帠庰怷 廔 帢徆 峇庣巹怷 庥帢庛庢帠庢廔棲 (弮帢庛庢廔棲 trad. corr. Spengel) 庰廒僇諄敖.

 

            13. (Marcellini?) Prol. W IV 19, P S. p. 277.16 R.: 廒弇弇宎 廒弇庛弮庰彖 庥帢廔 庰廒棲弮庰彖, 巹 廒庣 彃用煙怷庣庥峸. 怷廒 庰廔 庣巹帢彖 庥帢廔 帢庥帢 廔巹庤怷彖帢庣 帢廔廔棒 怷廔 彃甩怷庣庥峸 廒庣 庰庣庛怷彃羊 帤庢弮庣怷帠宎.

Sic etiam Prol. an怷nyma P. S. p. 26.20 R. (W VI 14.1), Excerpta cod. Parisini P. S. p. 296.26 R. Solus nominatur Corax Exc. cod. Marc. 430 st Vaticani 900 P. S. p. 349.7 R. An怷nym. W III 611.9.

Gorgiae hanc definitionem tribuit Plato Gorgiae 453 A, cf. Amm. Marc. 30.4.3: 峇庰庣廔煎救 (CC vel 峇CC ll.) suasionis opificem esse memorat, adsentiente Leontino Gorgia. Isocrateae artis est finitio secundum Quint. 2.15.4, 峓enocratis secundum Sextum Empiricum adv. math. II 61. Denique Themistius or. XXVI 328 d: 庥帢廔 帢彃羊帢 弇峟帠怷帢 帢庥怷 弮廔統 庥帢廔 峇庣巹怷 庥帢帢帠庰弇彄煙 庥帢廔 庰帤怷彖 庥庰庣 廔裕 庤峎彖庣怷彖 廔+ 弮庣庥廔 廒帢 庥帢廔 廔弇巹帠怷 廒徆庣帢 庰廒區 廔棒 峟帠彖庢彖 怷庣帢弮峟彖怷, 帢廔廔 帤廔 廒彖庛庰彖 帤庣帤峎庥庰庣, 廔 廒彖 庣 庰庣庛廔 帤庢弮庣怷帠怷巹庢. At si Demosthenes Aeschini 帤庰庣彖廔裒 帤庢弮庣怷帠廔裒 弇帠茯彖 audit (III 215), num nostra illa definitio spectetur, admodum dubium (Wendland, Hermae 39, 509.2).

 

 

            14. Athanasii Prol. P. S. p. 171.19 R.: 廔庣 怷彃 弇峟帠庰庣彖 廒 庣 帢廒區巹帢, 怷彃 帤廔 庰廔 弇峟帠庰庣彖 廒 彃用煙怷庣庥峸, 廒彖 廒徆庰彃羊庰 帢徆 廔 峉帢庥怷庣怷, 廒用 庥帢廔 廔+巹帢彖怷 帤彖帢弮庣彖 庰庣庛怷彃羊 (廔+巹帢o Rabe).

Cf. Philod. II p. 191: 廔 弇峟帠庰庣彖 廒 []庣 廒帤庥庰彖, 廔 帤廔 庥帢弇彃剿 [弇]庰帠庰庣彖 廒 峟彖庢 庥弇. et auctores ob eandem sententiam a Rabeo l. l. laudati.

 

             15. Plato Phaedr. 267 A: 峇庰庣巹帢彖 帤廔 怷帠巹帢彖 庰 廒峎怷弮庰彖 庰廔帤庰庣彖, 怷廒 廔 彃僇 廒弇庢庛彃僇 廔 庰廒匿磁帢 庰廒僇棒諺 廔+ 庣弮庢峟帢 弮彄僇銜銜諺 峎 庰 帢廔 弮庣庥廔 弮庰帠峎弇帢 庥帢廔 廔 弮庰帠峎弇帢 弮庣庥廔 帢巹彖庰庛帢庣 怷庣怷彃羊庣彖 帤庣廔 彃甩弮庢彖 弇帠怷 庥帢庣彖峎 庰 廒帢巹 峎 宎 廒彖帢彖巹帢 庥帢庣彖彃剿 彖怷弮巹帢彖 庰 弇帠茯彖 庥帢廔 廒庰庣帢 弮峸庥庢 庰廔 峎彖彖 廒彖庰彃羊怷彖.

 

Vide Epicharmi ad 峓enophanem apud Aristot. metaph. 1010 a 5: 帤庣廔 庰廒匿磁 弮廔統 弇峟帠怷庣彖, 怷廔庥 廒弇庢庛彃 帤廔 弇峟帠怷庣彖. 怷廔 帠廔區 廒弮庰庣 弮彄僇銜銜諺 庰廒區庰彃彖 廒 廔甩庰 廒廔煙帢弮怷 庰廒區 庰彖怷峎彖庢彖 (Kaibel, Com. Gr. fr. I, Epicharmi 252). Antiphon Tetral. I 帣 8: 庰廒 帤廔 庣 廔 庰廒匿磁帢 廒弇庢庛峟庣彖 廒棲帢 廒﹡割菲帢庣 cf. 帤 8. - Quae secuntur apud Platonem, in nuce continent 帢廔徆庢庣彖 et 弮庰巹庣彖 posteriorum. Cf. etiam Demetrius de eloc. 禮 120: 庥帢巹怷庣 庣彖峟 帢庣 帤庰彃彖 廔 弮庣庥廔 弮庰帠峎弇 弇峟帠庰庣彖 庥帢廔 庢弮庰彃怷彖 怷彃羊怷 廒﹡割蹄縝彖帢庣 廔庰帣帢弇弇怷庢 帤彖峎弮庰. Ceterum v. infra Isocratis 4.8. 弮帢庥怷弇怷帠巹帢 et 帣帢弇怷帠巹帢 Protagorae quoque et Gorgiae tribuitur, atque cf. Phaedri 268 C, 269 A, 272 A, Theaet. 172 D, Polit. 286 C, Gorg. 461 D (de P怷lo), Thucydidis IV 17.2.

 

             16. Plato Phaedr. 272 C: 峉. 帣怷弇庰庣 怷廔彖 廒帠 庣彖宎 庰廒棲 弇帠怷彖, 廔彖 彃僇 庰廔 帢彃羊峎 庣彖彖 廒庥峸庥怷帢; - 峖帢庣. 巹 弮峸彖; - 峉. 弇峟帠庰帢庣 帠怷彃缶, 廔 峖帢彃帤庰, 帤巹庥帢庣怷彖 庰廒僇諄敖 庥帢廔 廔 怷彃 弇庥怷 庰廒區庰彃彖. - 峖帢庣. 庥帢廔 帠庰 怷廔 怷巹庰庣. - 峉. 帢廔 怷巹彖彖 怷廔帤廔統 怷廔 5 帢彃羊帢 帤庰彃彖 庰弮彖彖庰庣彖 怷廔帤宎 廒彖峎帠庰庣彖 廒彖 弮帢庥廔匿 庰庣帣帢弇弇怷弮峟彖怷. 帢彖峎帢庣 帠峎, 廔 庥帢廔 庥帢宎 廒廔區 庰廒棲怷弮庰彖 怷彃缶棒 怷彃 弇帠怷, 廔庣 怷廔帤廔統 廒弇庢庛庰巹帢 弮庰峟庰庣彖 帤峟怷庣 帤庣庥帢巹彖 廒 廒帠帢庛彃僇 峟庣 帢帠弮峎彖 廒 庥帢廔 廒彖庛彖 帠庰 怷庣怷彖 庰庣 廔彖彖 廒 怷彃 廔裕 弮峟弇弇怷彖帢 廒敖睡敖賦蕊 彃用煙怷庣庥廔裕 廒庰庛帢庣. 廔 帢峎帢彖 帠廔區 怷廔帤廔統 廒彖 怷彃 10 帤庣庥帢庢巹怷庣 怷彖 廒弇庢庛庰巹帢 弮峟弇庰庣彖 怷廔帤庰彖巹, 廒弇弇廔 怷彃 庣庛帢彖怷彃. 怷彃羊怷 帤宎 庰廒僇諄敖 廔 庰廒匿磁, 彄 帤庰彃彖 怷峟庰庣彖 廔裕 弮峟弇弇怷彖帢 峟彖彃 廒庰彃彖. 怷廔帤廔 帠廔區 帢廔 廔 帢庛峟彖帢 帤庰彃彖 弇峟帠庰庣彖 廒彖巹怷庰, 廒廔匿 弮廔 庰廒匿磁 庰帢帠弮峟彖帢, 廒弇弇廔 廔 庰廒匿磁帢 廒彖 庰 庥帢庢帠怷巹彄 庥帢廔 廒怷弇怷帠巹彄麻 庥帢廔 峎彖 弇峟帠怷彖帢 廔 帤廔 庰廒匿筵螂 帤庣庥峟怷彖 庰廒僇諄敖, 怷弇弇廔 庰廒區彖帢 帢巹庰庣彖 15 彃 廒弇庢庛庰彃. 怷彃羊怷 帠廔區 帤庣廔 帢彖廔裒 怷彃 弇帠怷 帠庣帠彖弮庰彖怷彖 廔棒 廒帢帢彖 峟彖庢彖 怷巹庤庰庣彖.

10 弮峟弇庰庣          12 帢廔廔 B 帢廔廔 廔 Heindorf.

 

 

 

 

 

Haec ex arte antiqua sumpta esse iam Usener (Quaest. Anaxim. p. 36737, Kl. Schr. I 28.sq.) concluserat, quia ad genus iudiciale solum pertinerent.

Esse in proverbio ait Socrates ne lupi quidem partes esse deserendas. Quidni igitur corvi (庥帢庥怷) quoque, bestiae item rapacis? Pergit autem Plato, suo modo 庢弮帢巹庤彖:

峖帢庣. 廔峎 帠庰, 廔 峉庥帢庰, 帤庣庰弇峸弇庛帢, 廒 弇峟帠怷庣彖 怷廒 庰廔 怷廔磁 弇帠怷 庰彖庣庥怷廔 怷怷庣怷弮庰彖怷庣 庰廒僇諄敖. 廒彖庰弮彖峸庛庢彖 帠廔區 廔庣 廒彖 彃 庛庰彖 帣帢峟 怷彃 怷庣怷怷 廒庢峎弮庰庛帢, 帤怷庥庰彃 帤廔 怷彃羊怷 峎弮弮庰帠帢 庰廒匿諄敖 怷彃 庰廔 帢彃羊帢. - 峉. 廒弇弇廔 弮廔棒 彖 帠庰 峇庰庣巹帢彖 帢廔廔裕 庰峎庢庥帢 廒庥庣帣彃剿.

 

             17. Plato Phaedr. 259 E: 廒庥峸庥怷帢, 廔 巹弇庰 峉庥帢庰, 怷廔庥 庰廒僇諄敖 廒彖峎帠庥庢彖 彃 弮峟弇弇怷彖庣 彃用晅怷庣 廒庰庛帢庣 廔 彃 廔彖庣 帤巹庥帢庣帢 弮帢彖庛峎彖庰庣彖, 廒弇弇廔 廔 帤徆帢彖宎 廒彖 弇峸庛庰庣, 怷廒舜庰 帤庣庥峎怷庣彖, 怷廔帤廔 廔 廔彖 廒帠帢庛廔 廒 庥帢弇峎, 廒弇弇宎 廔帢 帤徆庰庣. 廒庥 帠廔區 怷彖 庰廒僇諄敖 廔 庰巹庛庰庣彖, 廒弇弇宎 怷廔庥 廒庥 彃 廒弇庢庛庰巹帢.

Tangitur haec doctrina etiam in rei publ. VI 193 A-C. Talia respicere possis credere Sophoclem in Antigona 620 sq.: 怷巹彄 帠廔區 廒庥 怷 庥弇庰庣彖廔裕 廒怷 峟帢彖帢庣, 廔 庥帢庥廔裕 帤怷庥庰彃彖 怷宎 廒庛弇廔裕 彃煎棵 廒弮弮庰彖, 廔彃 峟彖帢 庛庰廔裒 廒帠庰庣 廔裒 廒帢彖, videas modo Phaedr. 260 C. Ceterum adeundus Philodem. rhet. I p. 209.5 S.: 庰廒 帤宎 廒怷彃羊庣 廔 帢庣彖弮庰彖帢 怷彃 怷弇弇怷彃 怷庣帢彃羊宎 庰廒僇諄敖 庥帢廔 廒弇庢庛彃 庥帢廔 帤彖帢[廔財 庥帢廔 廒彖帢帠庥帢彃帢 弮彖怷彖 廒徆庰[]巹庥庰庣彖 庥帢廔 {廔陣 庣庛帢彖庢宎 廒怷彖[]帢, 廔剿 怷彃 弮庢帤廔統 廒[庰怷彖] 弇峟帠庰庣彖 廒 廔 怷[廔榜 廒彖彖帢 怷弇庰庣庣庥怷廔磁 弇帠怷[] 廒徆庰巹庥庰庣彖 廔裕 怷弇庰[庣庣庥]廔裕 怷廔帤宎 廒庢庥庰彖 廔 帢庣彖弮庰彖帢 怷彃 怷弇弇怷彃.

 

 

 

 

             18. Plato Phaedr. 273 A: 庰廒區峟 怷巹彖彖 庥帢廔 帤庰 廒﹡澄彖 廔 峇庰庣巹帢, 弮峸 庣 廒弇弇怷 弇峟帠庰庣 廔 庰廒匿筵螂 廒 廔 彃 弇峸庛庰庣 帤怷庥怷彃缶; - 巹 帠廔區 廒弇弇o; - 怷彃羊怷 帤廔 廔+ 廒怷庣庥庰 怷廔裕 庰廔廔樁 廒弮帢 庥帢廔 庰彖庣庥廔裕 廒帠帢庰彖, 廔+ 廒峎彖 庣 廒庛庰彖廔棲 庥帢廔 廒彖帤庣庥廔裒 廒區廔裕 庥帢廔 帤庰庣弇廔裕 5 帠庥帢 廒敖樁疢庣怷彖 廒 庣 廒弇弇怷 廒庰弇弮庰彖怷 庰廒區 帤庣庥帢峸庣怷彖 廒帠庢帢庣, 帤庰彃 帤廔 廒弇庢庛廔紮 弮庢帤峟庰怷彖 弇峟帠庰庣彖, 廒弇弇廔 廔裕 弮廔統 帤庰庣弇廔裕 弮廔 廔廔 弮彖怷 峎彖帢庣 怷彃 廒彖帤庣庥怷彃 帠庥庰庥庛帢庣, 廔裕 帤廔 怷彃羊怷 弮廔統 廒弇峟帠庰庣彖 廔+ 弮彖 廒反庢彖, 廒庥庰巹彖彃 帤廔 庥帢帢峸帢庛帢庣 彃溘 彃剿 帤宎 廒彖 廒帠廔 怷庣帤庰 怷庣彃煎棒 廒庰庰巹庢帢; 廔 帤宎 怷廔庥 廒庰彃 帤廔 廔棒 廒帢怷彃 庥峎庥庢彖, 10 廒弇弇峎 庣 廒弇弇怷 庰帤庰庛帢庣 廒庣庰庣彃僇 峎宎 廒彖 廒弇庰帠彖 彃 帢帢帤怷巹庢 彃 廒彖庣帤巹庥彃. 庥帢廔 庰廔 廒弇弇帢 帤廔 怷庣帢彃羊宎 廒帢 廒廔 廔 峟彖彃 弇庰帠弮庰彖帢. 怷廔 帠峎, 廔 峖帢彃帤庰; - 巹 弮峸彖; - 庰彃, 帤庰庣彖彃剿 帠宎 廒怷庣庥庰彖 廒怷庥庰庥弮弮峟彖庢彖 峟彖庢彖 廒彖庰庰彃彖 廔 峇庰庣巹帢 廒 廒弇弇怷, 廔庣 帤峸 怷宎 廔卅 帠峎彖庰庣 庥帢廔 廔庛庰彖 帢巹庰庣 廔彖怷弮帢庤弮庰彖怷.

 

 

 

 

Ars est argumenta in utramque partem adhibendi, Spengel ad Ar. rh. p. 344. Isocrates adv. Callim. 13 sq. Antiphontis tetralogiae.

 

 

             19. Plato Gorg. 460 E. 廒帠廔 怷巹彖彖 怷 (Gorgias) 庰 帢彃羊帢 弇峟帠怷彖怷 廔峟弇帢帣怷彖, 廔+ 怷廔帤峟怷宎 廒彖 庰廒棒 廒 彃用煙怷庣庥廔 廒帤庣庥怷彖 彄僇割樁, 廔 帠宎 廒庰廔 庰廔 帤庣庥帢庣怷彖庢 怷廔磁 弇帠怷 怷庣庰彃帢庣. 廒庰庣帤廔 帤廔 廔弇巹帠怷彖 廔庰怷彖 (cf. 457 A) 廒弇庰帠庰, 廔庣 廔 彃用晅 彃 彃用煙怷庣庥彃 庥廒彖 廒帤巹庥 彃煙怷, 怷廔 庛帢弮峎帢 庥帢廔 廒﹡割煙峎弮庰彖怷 怷廔 彖峎帤庰庣彖 廔 弇庰帠弮庰彖帢 廒庥庰巹彖怷 庰廒剿怷彖 怷彃羊 弇帠怷.

 

Cf. Phaedr. 273 B de Tisia: 帤庰彃 帤廔 廒弇庢庛廔紮 弮庢帤峟庰怷彖 弇峟帠庰庣彖. Quint. inst. 2.15.31, doctores quoque eius artis parum idonei Platoni videbantur, qui rhetoricen a iustitia separarent et veris credibilia praeferrent.宎 Gorgias quidem rhetoricen solum 廒廔 帤庣庥帢巹怷 庰巹彄 adhiberi vult (Plato Gorg. 457 B).

 

             20. Aristot. rhet. 1402a 3: 廒庣 廔甩庰 廒彖 怷彃 廒庣庣庥怷彃 帢廔 廔 廒弇彃剿 庥帢廔 弮廔 廒弇彃剿 廒弇弇廔 巹 帠巹帠彖庰帢庣 帢庣彖弮庰彖怷 弇弇怷帠庣弮, 怷廒煎諺 廒彖 弮廔統 怷彃 帤庣帢弇庰庥庣庥怷彃, 廔庣 廒廔 廔 弮廔 廔彖 廔彖, 廒庣 帠廔區 廔 弮廔 廔彖 弮廔 廔彖, 庥帢廔 廔庣 廒庣庢廔裕 廔 廒帠彖怷彖, 廒庣彖 5 帠廔區 廒庣庢彖, 廔 廒帠彖怷彖 廔庣 廒帠彖怷彖, 怷廔 庥帢廔 廒彖 怷彃 彃用煙怷庣庥怷彃 廒庣彖 帢庣彖弮庰彖怷彖 廒彖庛弮庢弮帢 帢廔 廔 弮廔 廒弇彃剿 庰廒匿筵螂 廒弇弇廔 廔 庰廒匿磁. 廒庣彖 帤廔 怷彃羊怷 怷廔 庥帢庛弇怷, 廔甩庰 庥帢廔 廒帠峎庛彖 弇峟帠庰庣繚 峎宎 廒彖 庣 庰廒僇筵螂 帢廔廔 怷彃羊宎 庰廒僇諄敖 弇峟帠怷庣, 10 帣怷怷彃庣 怷弇弇廔 帠峎彖庰庣彖 怷廔庥 庰廒匿磁帢. 帠巹帠彖庰帢庣 帠廔區 廔 帢廔 廔 庰廒僇磁, 廔甩庰 庰廒匿筵螂 庥帢廔 廔 帢廔 廔 庰廒匿磁. 庰廒 帤廔 怷彃羊怷, 廒帢庣 廔 弮廔 庰廒匿筵螂 庰廒匿磁. 廒弇弇宎 怷廔 廒弇彃剿, 廒弇弇宎 廔甩庰 庥帢廔 廒廔 彃僇 廒庣庣庥彃僇 廔 庥帢廔 巹 庥帢廔 廔裒 巹 庥帢廔 彃 怷廔 怷庣庛峟弮庰彖帢 怷庣庰彃 廔棒 庥怷帢彖巹帢彖, 庥帢廔 廒彖帢彃缶裕 帢廔 廔 庰廒匿筵螂 庰廒僇諄敖 15 弮廔 廒弇彃剿 廒弇弇廔 廔 庰廒匿磁. 廒庣 帤宎 廒庥 怷怷 怷彃 怷 廒 帢庥怷 峟彖庢 帠庥庰庣弮峟彖庢. 廒彖 庰 帠廔區 弮廔 廒彖怷怷 彄 彃 帢廒區巹彄, 怷廒煎諺 廒庛庰彖廔棲 廔卅 帢廒匿睡翁救 庰帠彃繚 怷廔 帠廔區 庰廒匿磁繚 庥廒彖 廒彖怷怷 廔及, 怷廒煎諺 廒彖 廒區廔裒 廔卅蝓 怷廔 帠廔區 庰廒匿磁, 廔庣 庰廒匿筵螂 廒弮庰弇弇庰 帤徆庰庣彖. 廔弮怷巹 帤廔 庥帢廔 廒廔 彃僇 廒弇弇彖. 廒 帠廔區 廒彖怷怷彖 廒彖峎帠庥庢 廒 弮廔 廒彖怷怷彖 庰廒僇諄敖 彃 帢廒區巹彄. 峖帢巹彖庰帢庣 20 弮廔統 怷廔彖 廒弮庰帢 庰廒匿磁帢, 廒庣 帤廔 廔 弮廔統 庰廒匿磁, 廔 帤廔 怷廔 廒弇彃剿, 廒弇弇宎 廔甩庰 庰廒棲庢帢庣. 庥帢廔 廔 廔裕 廒甩 帤廔 弇帠怷彖 庥庰巹 怷庣庰彃彖 怷彃羊宎 廒巹.

15 帤宎 廒庥 怷怷 Schol. translatio lat. 帤廔 怷彃羊怷 Ac 帤廔 怷怷   17 帢廒匿筵蔆帢彖 QDE 庰帠庰庣 18 廔弮怷巹 庥帢廔

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Ecce artificium a dilemmate, quod vocant, derivatum, cuius apud eristicos qui fuerit usus, prae ceteris Plato demonstrat in Euthydemo (275 , 2/6 D, 283 E). Dilemmata amat Andocides (I 51, II 2, II 3, II 16). Cognatus est is 怷, qui est e divisione (cf. ad B VII 39). Ad rem vide etiam Hermogenis . . p. 147.29 Sp. 怷廒煙 帠廔區 廔 廒庰怷 峸庰帢庣 廔+ 庢弮庰巹怷庣 怷彃 庰廒僇諄敖 庣, 怷怷庣 廔 廒庰怷 廔+ 庢弮庰巹怷庣 峸庰帢庣 怷彃 弮廔 庰廒僇諄敖 庣 庥弇.

 

Locum uberrime illustravit G. Kowalski, De arte rhetorica 1 (Lemberg 1937) 3 sq.

 

            21. Aristot. rhet. 1372a 21: 弇帢庛庢庣庥怷廔 帤宎 庰廒區廔僇 怷廒 宎 廒彖帢彖巹怷庣 怷彃 廒帠庥弇峸弮帢庣彖, 怷廒煎諺 廒庛庰彖庰彃 庰廔 帢廒匿睡翁救 庥帢廔 廔 峟彖庢 庥帢廔 廔 帢廒區廔裒 庰廔 弮怷庣庰巹帢 庥弇.

2 廒庛庰彖廔棲 libri praeter Ac

 

            22. Anaxim. p. 86.16 H: 廒庰廔棲 弮廔統 怷廔彖 帠峟彖怷庣宎 廒彖, 廒廔匿 廒帠彖巹庤庢帢庣 彖庰庰怷 廒 庰帣庰怷 廔廔紮 廒弇弇怷, 廔庰彖帢彖巹怷 帤峟, 廒峎彖 庣 廒區廔裒 廔卅 廒庛庰彖庰彃 帤庣庥峎庤庢帢庣 帢廒匿睡翁救 廒 廒峎彖 庣 廔帣庣廔棲 廔卅 廔帣庣彖 廒帠庥帢弇彃 怷彖庣 廒 廒峎彖 庣 峎彖 弇怷巹彃 帤庣庥峎庤庢帢庣 峎彖 峟彖庢 庢弮峎彖 廒帠庥帢弇彃僇.

 

 

Notabis, cum Aristoteles addat 廔弮怷巹 帤廔 庥帢廔 廒廔 彃僇 廒弇弇彖, divitis pauperisque rixae exemplum ab Anaximene tertio loco poni, quod in ipsa Tisiae arte inventum esse fortasse confirmatur a Luciano Pseudol. 29 (186 sq.), cum narrat sophistam quendam pauperis partes contra divitem egisse eundemque seni diviti Tisiae artibus multum pecuniae eripuisse. (Ibid. ultima verba 廔 帤廔 ... 庥帢帢怷庣庛庰廔剿 ad historiam c. 5. narratam pertinere videntur.) Cf. etiam Lysiae 24.16 怷廔 帠廔區 <怷廔磁> 庰彖怷弮峟彖怷 庥帢廔 弇巹帢彖 廒 帤庣帢庥庰庣弮峟彖怷 廔帣巹庤庰庣彖 庰廒匿磁, 廒弇弇廔 怷廔磁 怷弇弇彃 弇庰巹 彃僇 廒彖帢帠庥帢巹彖 庥庰庥庢弮峟彖怷, 怷廔帤廔 怷廔磁 廒帤彖峎怷 怷彃 弮帢庣彖 廔彖帢, 廒弇弇廔 怷廔磁 弮峎弇庣帢 庣庰怷彖帢 帢彃 帢廔彃僇 彃甩弮帢庣, 怷廔帤廔 怷廔磁 廒及棒 怷帣庰帣庢庥帢 彃 廒﹡銜團睡脊噫, 廒弇弇廔 怷廔磁 廒庣 彖峟怷 庥帢廔 彖峟帢庣 帢彃 帤庣帢彖怷巹帢庣 弮峟彖怷. Inversum habes Anaximenis ordinem. Conicias certos 怷彃 庰廒匿磁怷 locos iam a Tisia fuisse elaboratos, ac recte huc traxit Kowalski p. 50 Xen. Cyrop. I 3.17: 廒缶 帤廔 廒 帤巹庥庢 怷庣帢庢. 帢彃 弮峟帠帢 (i. e. 廒區) 弮庣庥廔裕 廒彖 庣彃僇諄 帢彃帤帢 弮庣庥廔裕 (i. e. 廒庛庰彖彃) 弮峟帠帢彖 廒怷彖帢 庣彃僇諄 廒庥帤帢 帢廔廔裕 (cf. supra Plat. Phaedr. 273 A) 廔裕 弮廔統 廒帢怷彃 廒庥庰彃彖怷彖 廒﹡樞巹庰庰, 廔裕 帤宎 廒庥庰巹彖怷 帢廔廔裒 廒彖峟帤. 廒帠廔 怷廔彖 怷廔銨怷庣 帤庣庥峎庤彖 廒帠彖彖 廒彖 帤廔 怷彃 弮庰 廒帢庣庰彖 廔 帤庣帤峎庥帢弇怷 弇峟徆帢 ...

 

            23. Doxopater in Aphthon. W II p. 119.16: 怷彖 帤峟 (scil. 彃僇 怷彃 弇帠怷 弮庰彃僇) 帢庣彖 庰廔庰廔棒 彃剿怷彖 帠庰彖峟庛帢庣 廔裕 帢庥帢, 廒庣 廔裕 帤彃弮怷彖 廒庥 彃 廒帠巹怷 帢彖彖巹帤怷 廒庥庰巹彖庢 帢帢弇帢帣彖帢 庥帢廔 帠庥庰弮峟彖怷彖 庰廔彖帢 庥帢巹, 廒舒諄 弮廔統 廔 庛怷帣怷彃缶 帢彃 庥帢廔 庰巹彃 怷峟庰庣彖, 怷廔磁 彃僇 怷怷庣弮巹彖 怷 廒庣彖怷峸帢彖帢, 廒舒諄 帤廔 庥帢廔 庰廔 怷彃 峎帠弮帢怷 帢彃剿 帤庣帤峎徆彃 庥帢廔 庣庛帢彖彃剿 庥帢廔 彖弮, 廔棒 帤庣峸帠庢庣彖 廒庣庥帢帢彖怷峸帢彖帢, 廒舒諄 帤廔 庥帢巹, 庰廔 廔形 帣怷弇庰帢庣, 庰巹彃 <庥帢廔 怷峟彃> 庥帢廔 廒怷峟彃, 怷彃 廒帠彃剿庣 庢峎弮庰彖怷彖繚 廒舒諄 帤廔 庥帢廔 彃僇 庥帢庣眐庣茯峎茯彖 (l. 庥眐庣茯峎茯彖) 廒彖帢弮彖峸彃, 弇庢彃 帤廔 庥帢廔 峎庛怷 怷廔磁 帤庣庥帢廔區 廒 怷廔磁 帣怷弇庰峎, 庥帢廔 怷廔磁 廒庣弇帠怷 庥帢帢庢峎弮庰彖怷彖.

Cf. quae de Coracis dispositione supra A V 16 collecta exstant. Ipse quidem Doxopater, cum quattuor partes describit, quod probatur iam a Ioanne Sardiano p. 50, 12 sq. R., tamen de genere demonstrativo loquitur, in quo narratio non habet locum, de narrationis virtutibus profert praecepta, quae Isocrati eiusque disciplinae ab aliis tribuuntur. Troilus denique, in genere iudiciali Coracem versatum esse adfirmans, septem partes enumerat: 怷怷巹弮庣帢, 怷庥帢帢庥庰峸彖, 怷庥帢峎帢庣彖, 庥帢峎帢庣彖, 廒帠彃僇諄救, 帢峟庥帣帢庣彖, 廒庣弇帠怷 (v. supra p. 17), eaque fortasse ex Aristotele provenit memoria, scimus autem in terminis technicis inveniendis primos auctores quasi delirasse. Ceterum adeas Hambergeri libellum 25 sq. (34).

 

            24. Syrianus in Hermogenem II p. 127, 4 R: 帠彖峟怷彖 帤廔 廔庣 庥帢廔 帢徆 廔 庰彖怷帠峎怷 彃 彃 庥帢帢峎庰 廔彖弮帢庣 庥峟庢帢庣.怷怷巹弮庣帢 怷彃 弇帠怷 廔棒 庥帢峎帢庣彖 庥帢弇彃僇.

Anaximenes 29 p. 71.5 H. de prooemio agens: 怷彃羊怷彖 弮廔統 怷廔彖 怷彖 怷彖 廔區 庥帢帢峎庰庣 彃僇 帤庢弮庢帠怷庣彃僇 怷庣庢峟怷彖. De 庥帢帢峎庰 vocabuli notione v. Wendland 30 sq., Hamberger 34 sq., 39 sq. (Usener, Kl. Schriften I 32).

 

25. Plato Phaedr. 267 D: 廔 帤廔 帤廔 峟弇怷 彃僇 弇帠茯彖 庥怷庣彖彃 彄剿庣彖 廒怷庣庥庰 彖帤庰帤怷帠弮峟彖怷彖 庰廒僇諄敖, 彄 庣彖庰 弮廔統 廒峎彖怷帤怷彖, 廒弇弇怷庣 帤宎 廒弇弇怷 巹庛庰彖帢庣 廔彖怷弮帢.   峖帢庣. 廔 廒彖 庥庰帢弇帢巹彃 廒庥帢帢 弇峟帠庰庣 廔怷弮彖彃帢庣 廒廔 庰弇庰彃 怷廔磁 廒庥怷怷彖帢 庰廔 彃僇 庰廒區庢弮峟彖彖;

 

26. Plato Phaedr. 274 A ad praecedentia verba respiciens: 廔甩宎 庰廒 弮帢庥廔 廒 庰巹怷帤怷, 弮廔 庛帢弮峎彃繚 弮庰帠峎弇彖 帠廔區 廒彖庰庥帢 庰庣庣峟怷彖, 怷廔 廔+ 廔 (i. e. Tisias) 帤怷庥庰彃.

庰庣庣峟怷彖: ambitum Cicero vocat 廔棒 庰巹怷帤怷彖, Pollux II 125 庰庣弇峟帠庰庣彖 explicat 庰庣峟庰庛帢庣 彃 弇帠彃. At Aristoph. Ran. 953 庰巹帢怷 est quasi 弮帢庥怷弇怷帠巹帢, quod explicatur verbis Maccab. 2, 30 廔 弮廔統 廒弮帣帢庰庰庣彖 庥帢廔 庰巹帢怷彖 怷庣庰彃庛帢庣 弇帠茯彖 庥帢廔 怷弇帢帠弮怷彖庰彃彖 廒彖 怷彃 庥帢廔 弮峟怷 彃 彃 廒救怷巹帢 廒庢帠峟彃 庥帢庛峸庥庰庣, 廔 帤廔 彖怷弮怷彖 庥弇. Ipsius 庰庣帤怷 nomen Platoni inde ductum videri satis clare ex verbis eius apparet. Tisias igitur semper 帤庣廔 庰庣帤彖 dicendum esse docuerat.

 

II. CORAX AND TISIAS

(see also A V 1ff.)

 

1. Himerius, 2nd speech: Tisias and Corax, who blossomed in the way that Gorgias and Protagoras did.

The words are fragmentary and the meaning unclear.

 

2. Pausanias 6.17.8: Yet Tisias expanded the art of rhetoric, in particular he wrote the most persuasive speech of his time to support the claim of a Syracusan woman to a property.

 

3. Pseudo-Plutarch, Lives of the Ten Orators, on Lysias: But when the city sent a colony to Sybaris, which was afterwards called Thurii, he went there that he might receive his portion of his father's estate. This was done in the fifteenth year of his age, when Praxiteles was chief magistrate [444/3 BC]. There then he stayed, and was brought up under Nicias and Tisias, both Syracusans.

Phot. Bibl. 489 B draws on Pseudoplutarch, as does the Suda: Lysias son of Cephalus, Syracusan, orator, student of Tisias and Nicias.

 

4. Dionysius of Halikarnassos, On Isocrates: He became a student of Prodicus of Ceos, Gorgias of Leontinoi and Tisias of Syracuse, who at that time were the most famous among the Greeks for their knowledge

 

5. Pseudo-Plutarch, Lives 10 or. 836f.: He listened to Prodicus of Ceos, Gorgias of Leontinoi and the rhetor Theramenes. Sud. s.v. Isocrates: His teacher was Gorgias; others say it was Tisias, others Erginus, others Prodicus, others Theramenes.

 

6. Cicero, On the Orator 3.21 (81): Therefore, let us tolerate that Corax of yours hatching his fledglings in his nest, who will fly out as unlikeable and obnoxious bawlers.

Spengel Art. Scr. p. 27 surmises that Cicero is playing on the saying, bad crow, bad egg. From this it does not follow that Cicero already knew the story of the quarrel between Corax and Tisias (some say that this saying is older: Prol. on Hermogenes On Civil Strifes W IV p. 14 = Prol. Syll. p. 272, 27 R.). See also Zenobius, who tells the same story about the quarrel (Paroem. Gr. I p. 107 L. Schn.): Some claim this saying originates from the bird, since neither it itself nor its egg is edible; others色 It is certain, however, that the story about Corax reported by many, as Sextus Emp. Against the Mathematicians 2.96 puts it, was known fairly early.

 

7. Anaximenes, On Rhetoric: You will then come across these two books, of which one is mine, among the treatises I wrote for Theodektes, the other by Corax.

 

8. Prologue to Hermogenes 7.6 and Maximus Palnudes Prol. 5.215: One Corax, who was intelligent and full of practical wisdom, [因 composed a treatise about prooemia, narratives, contests and epilogues.

In all the other authors of prolegomena there is no indication that Corax wrote anything.

 

 

 

9. Excerpts (?): And then Corax and his pupil Tisias (wrote technai), then in Athens Gorgias of Leontinoi and Isocrates did.

 

 

10. Cicero, Brutus 12.46: Thus, Aristotle writes that [因 the Sicilians Corax and Tisias wrote down the art and its precepts.

 

11. Cicero, On Invention 2.2.6: Aristotle brought together the older writers of the ars, all the way down from its famous beginner and inventor Tisias.

Cf. On the Orator. 1.20.91: one Corax (sic) and Tisias, who we know were the inventors and first practitioners of that art. See also Aristotle Rhet. 1409a17 (on Corax) and Top. 183b31 (on Tisias). L. Victorinus writes on Cicero ad loc. (Rhet. Lat. min. 258. 37 H.): Corax and Tisias are said to be the first to have written treatises on rhetoric among the Greeks.

 

12. Quintilian 3.1.8: The oldest authors of treatises were the Sicilians Corax and Tisias.

Please compare a little story reported by Martianus Capella p. 140, 17f. E. (V 432). That the art was invented by Corax and written down by Tisias was correctly surmised by Susemihl. Hence Plato, more touching on the subject than explaining it, as is his habit, Phaedr. 273C: A wonderfully hidden art it is that Tisias discovered or whoever else that person happens to be and whatever country he hails from! On this passage Hermiass commentary: He probably writes this because of Corax, since the latter was said to be Tisiass teacher.

 

13. (紼硃娶釵梗梭梭勳紳喝莽s?) Prologue: But lets go and define what rhetoric is. Tisias and Corax define it like this: Rhetoric is the craftswoman of persuasion.

So also Prol. an怷nyma P. S. p. 26.20 R. (W VI 14.1), Excerpta cod. Parisinus P. S. p. 296.26 R. Only Corax is named in Exc. cod. Marc. 430 and Vaticanus 900 P. S. p. 349.7 R. An怷nym. W III 611.9.

Plato attributes this definition to Gorgias in Gorg. 453A, cf. Amm. Marc. 30.4.3: Tisias (Koisias or Ctesias in the manuscripts) says that (this art) is the manufacturer of persuasion, and Gorgias of Leontini agrees. The full maturity is attained in the art of Isocrates, according to Quint. 2.15.4, of 峓enocrates according to Sextus Empir. Against the Mathematicians 2.61. Finally Themistius or. 26.328 d: And as you say this you laugh at Tisias and mock Theodorus of Byzantion, claiming they made but small and worthless contributions to the art, while you yourself lecture from above, in the same way that someone would manufacture persuasion. If, however, in Aeschines (3.215) Demosthenes is called a very able manufacturer of speeches, it is very dubious that there our definition of the word applies (Weidland, Hermes 39.509.2).

14. 插喧堯硃紳硃莽勳喝莽s Prologue: Nature causes us to speak, but rhetoric is what causes us to speak well. Corax of Syracuse invented it; they also defined it as the capacity for persuasion.

Cf. Philod. II p. 191: Nature enables us to speak, but art is what makes us speak well. See also the authors Rabe cites regarding the same idea.

 

15. Plato, Phaedrus 267 A-B: And shall we leave Gorgias and Tisias undisturbed, who saw that probabilities are more to be esteemed than truths, who make small things seem great and great things small by the power of their words, and new things old and old things the reverse, and who invented conciseness of speech and measureless length on all subjects?

See Epicharmus on Xenophanes in Arist. Metaph. 1010a5: Therefore they speak with plausibility, but they dont speak the truth. For to speak in this way fits better than how Epicharmus says on Xenophanes (Kaibel, Com. Gr. fr. I, Epicharmi 252). Antiphon Tetral. 1.2.8: But if someone holds the plausible equal to the true cf. 1.4.8. The words that follow in Plato contain, in a nutshell, augmentation and diminution in later authors. Cf. also Demetrius On Eloquence 120: Yet some claim that one ought to speak of little things in a grand way and think it a sign of exceptional ability. Also consider below Isocrates 4.8. Both length and brevity of speech are also attributed to Protagoras and Gorgias, and cf. Phaedr. 268C, 269A, 272A, Theaet. 172 D, Polit. 286C, Gorg. 461D (on P怷lus), Thucydides 4.17.2.

16. Plato, Phaedrus 272C273A: (Socr.) Then shall I tell something that I have heard some of those say who make these matters their business? (Phaedr.) Pray do. (Socr.) Even the wolf, you know, Phaedrus, has a right to an advocate, as they say. (Phaedr.) Do you be his advocate. (Socr.) Very well. They say that there is no need of treating these matters with such gravity and carrying them back so far to first principles with many words; for, as we said in the beginning of this discussion, he who is to be a competent rhetorician need have nothing at all to do, they say, with truth in considering things which are just or good, or men who are so, whether by nature or by education. For in the courts, they say, nobody cares for truth about these matters, but for that which is convincing; and that is probability, so that he who is to be an artist in speech must fix his attention upon probability. For sometimes one must not even tell what was actually done, if it was not likely to be done, but what was probable, whether in accusation or defense; and in brief, a speaker must always aim at probability, paying no attention to truth; for this method, if pursued throughout the whole speech, provides us with the entire art.

Usener already concluded that these words must stem from some early treatise, for they relate exclusively to the forensic genre.

Socrates says that according to one proverb not even the parts of the wolf should be abandoned; so why not the crows (korax), too, an animal just as predatory? Plato then continues, using figures in his characteristic manner: (Phaedr.) You have expounded on the very things that are said by those who lay claim to being professional rhetors. For I just remembered that we briefly touched on such subject matter a moment ago. Such things seem to be of major import to those who are about that art. (Socr.) You obviously have studied Tisias himself carefully.

17. Plato, Phaedrus 259E-260A: I have heard that one who is to be an orator does not need to know what is really just, but what would seem just to the multitude who are to pass judgment, and not what is really good or noble, but what will seem to be so; for they say that persuasion comes from what seems to be true, not from the truth.

This doctrine is touched on in in Rep. 6 193A-C as well. One may think Sophocles is referring to something like that in Antigone 620-1: Though wisdom has appeared a famous word by someone, that appearing to be bad seems good to the man whose mind god is leading to blindness/ruin, if only you consider Phaedr. 260C. We should also have a look at Philodem. Rhet. I p. 209.5 S.: If they say that what appears to the masses is actually so and true and can and must only be discovered and possess plausibility, apart from the fact that it does not refer to anything beyond the politician having to find out the political arguments inherent in every situation, the appearances do not even stay still for the masses.

18. Plato, Phaedrus 273 A-C: now let Tisias himself tell us if he does not say that probability is that which most people think. (Phaedr.:) That is just what he says. (Socr.:) Apparently after he had invented this clever scientific definition, he wrote that if a feeble and brave man assaulted a strong coward, robbed him of his cloak or something, and was brought to trial for it, neither party ought to speak the truth; the coward should say that he had not been assaulted by the brave man alone, whereas the other should prove that only they two were present and should use the well-known argument, How could a little man like me assault such a man as he is? The coward will not acknowledge his cowardice, but will perhaps try to invent some other lie, and thus give his opponent a chance to confute him. And in other cases there are other similar rules of art. Is that not so, Phaedrus? (Phaedrus:) Certainly. (Socrates:) Oh, a wonderfully hidden art it seems to be which Tisias has brought to light, or some other, whoever he may be and whatever country he is proud to call his own!

There is an art of employing arguments for both views: Spengel on Ar. rh. p. 344; Isocrates Against Callimachus 13-14; Antiphons Tetralogies.

 

19. Plato, Gorgias 460E-461A: Well then, I supposed at the time when you were saying this that rhetoric could never be an unjust thing, since the speeches it made were always about justice but when a little later you told us that the orator might make even an unjust use of his rhetoric, that indeed surprised me, and thinking the two statements were not in accord I made those proposals.

Cf. Phaedr. 273B on Tisias: Neither party must speak the truth. Quint. 2.15.31, Even the teachers of that art seemed to Plato to be rather unsuitable, as they separated rhetoric from justice and preferred the plausible to the truth.宎 Gorgias wants rhetoric to be used only on behalf of what is just (Pl., Gorg. 457B).

 

20. Aristotle, Rhetoric 1402a3: Further, as in sophistical disputations, an apparent syllogism arises as the result of considering a thing first absolutely, and then not absolutely, but only in a particular case. For instance, in Dialectic, it is argued that that which is not is, for that which is not is that which is not; also, that the unknown can be known, for it can be known of the unknown that it is unknown. Similarly, in rhetoric, an apparent enthymeme may arise from that which is not absolutely probable but only in particular cases. But this is not to be understood absolutely, as Agathon says: One might perhaps say that this very thing is probable, that many things happen to men that are not probable; for that which is contrary to probability still does happen, so that that which is contrary to probability is probable. If this is so, that which is improbable will be probable. But not absolutely; but as, in the case of sophistical disputations, the argument becomes fallacious when the circumstances, reference, and manner are not added, so here it will become so owing to the probability being not probable absolutely but only in particular cases. [11] The Art of Corax is composed of this topic. For if a man is not likely to be guilty of what he is accused of, for instance if, being weak, he is accused of assault and battery, his defense will be that the crime is not probable; but if he is likely to be guilty, for instance, if he is strong, it may be argued again that the crime is not probable, for the very reason that it was bound to appear so. It is the same in all other cases; for a man must either be likely to have committed a crime or not. Here, both the alternatives appear equally probable, but the one is really so, the other not probable absolutely, but only in the conditions mentioned. And this is what making the worse appear the better argument means.

Here we have an artifice from what they call a 'dilemma', whose use by the eristics is illustrated nowhere better than Plato, Euthyd. (275D, 276D, 283E). Andocides loves dilemmas (1.51, 2.2-3, 2.16). A related topos is the one from division (cf. n. on B VII 39). On this topic see also Hermogenes On Civil Strife 147.29 Sp.: What one person will use as evidence of something being the case, the other will use as evidence of it not being the case, etc.

This passage is fulsomely explained by G. Kowalski, De arte rhetorica 1 (1937) 3-4.

 

21. Aristotle, Rhetoric 1372a21: Those are likely to remain undetected whose qualities are out of keeping with the charges, for instance, if a weak person were accused of assault and battery, or a poor or ugly man of adultery.

 

22. Anaximenes, p. 86.16: It would be inappropriate if someone younger or older litigated on behalf of another; it would be incongruous if a strong person prosecuted a weak one for battery, or an insolent person accused a self-controlled one of wantonness, or someone very poor sued another who was very rich on the grounds that the defendant owed him money.[3]

You will note that as Aristotle adds likewise with the others, Anaximenes puts the example of the quarrel between the rich man and the poor man in the third place an example that may have been found in Tisias treatise itself as seems to be confirmed in Luc. Pseudol. 29, where he recounts that some sophist took on the part of the poor man against a rich one and then ripped off plenty of money from a rich old man thanks to the art of Tisias. (Ibid. the last words the other defeated by sophistry seem to point to the story told in Ch. 5.) Cf. also Lys. 24.16: It is not likely that the poor and very destitute would commit hubris, but those who own far more than they need; nor that those without bodily prowess would, but those who most trust their own strength, nor those of advanced age, but those who are young and have young-people attitudes. You have the reverse order to Anaximenes. One may hypothesize that certain topoi around likelihood had already been elaborated by Tisias; Kowalski p. 50 rightly compared hereto Xen. Cyr. 1.3.17: The case was as follows. A big [that is, strong] boy with a small tunic had stripped a small [that is, weak] boy with a big tunic (cf. above, Plat. Phaedr. 273A) and put his own tunic on him and the others on himself. I as the judge decided At that point the teacher hit me and said色

23. Doxopater, Against Aphthonos: The different parts of a speech were allegedly first invented by Corax, who had just taken over the people from that famous cruel tyranny and found them troubled: in order to stop the unrest in the crowd and make them listen, he came up with the tropes used in the exordium; to expound the facts clearly, persuasively and concisely, he invented the exposition; to be persuasive on the matters that he wanted to be, either encouraging or dissuading, he used the argumentative part; and in order to remind the listeners of the salient points and also to evoke emotions in the judges or councilors, he instituted the epilogue.

Cf. the extant sources on Coraxs disposition gathered above (A V 16). Doxopater himself, when he describes the four parts, which is approved already by John of Sardis p. 50.12f. R., is nonetheless speaking about the demonstrative genre, in which narration plays no role, and proffers teachings regarding the virtues of narrations that others attribute to Isocrates and his art. Finally, Troilus, claiming that Corax was experienced in the forensic genre, lists seven parts: paroimia, prokataskeue, prokatastasis, katastasis, agonas, parekbasis, epilogos (above p. 17). These may actually stem from memorization of Aristotle; but we know that, in inventing technical terms, the early authors went insane, so to speak. Also see Hambergers little book 25-6. (34).

24. Syrianus, Commentary on Hermogenes 2, p. 127.4: One must know that Corax too, the writer of treatises, uses the word katastasis to refer to the exordium.

Anaximenes 29 p. 71.5 H. on proems: In this way one ought to do the katastaseis of public speeches. On the content of the word katastasis see Wendland 30f., Hamberger 34 f., 39f. (Usener, Kl. Schriften 1.32).

 

25. Plato, Phaedrus 247 D: But all seem to be in agreement concerning the conclusion of discourses, which some call 'retracing' (epanodos), while others give it some other name. (Phaedr.:) You mean recalling the points of the speech at the end, to remind the audience what has been said?

      26. Plato, Phaedrus 274A (looking back to what preceded) Therefore, if the path is long, do not be astonished; for it must be trodden for the sake of great ends, not for those you (Tisias) have in mind.

This going around (periodos) is called by Cicero ambitus. Pollux 2.125 explains perilegein as walking around with the speech. But in Arist. Frogs 953 peripatos means something like a long speech, which is explained in the words of Maccab. 2 2.30: To thread around and go for a long walk with words and be overzealous in the divided elements is appropriate to him who leads the narration, whereas brevity色. From Platos words it is clear that he regarded the very word periodos as so derived. It follows that Tisias always taught to speak through periodoi.

 

 

 

 

[1] The meaning of this fragment is unclear.

 

 

[2] M. Planudes also contains this passage, to which he adds: through which he persuaded the people.

 

 

[3] That this example goes back to Tisias is suggested by a passage in Lucians Pseudologista (29). Cf. Lysias 24.16.